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Food and Memory_看图王

Food and Memory

Jon D.Holtzman

Department of Anthropology,Western Michigan University,Kalamazoo,Michigan 49008;email:jon.holtzman@https://www.sodocs.net/doc/1518593430.html,

Annu.Rev.Anthropol.2006.35:361–78First published online as a Review in Advance on June 14,2006

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at https://www.sodocs.net/doc/1518593430.html, This article’s doi:

10.1146/annurev.anthro.35.081705.123220Copyright c

0084-6570/06/1021-0361$20.00

Key Words

sensuality,nostalgia,identity,invented traditions,history

Abstract

Much of the burgeoning literature on food in anthropology and related ?elds implicitly engages with issues of memory.Although only a relatively small but growing number of food-centered studies frame themselves as directly concerned with memory—for instance,in regard to embodied forms of memory—many more engage with its varying forms and manifestations,such as in a diverse range of studies in which food becomes a signi?cant site implicated in social change,the now-voluminous body relating food to ethnic or other forms of identity,and invented food traditions in nationalism and consumer capitalism.Such studies are of interest not only because of what they may tell us about food,but moreover because particular facets of food and food-centered memory offer more general insights into the phenomenon of memory and approaches to its study in anthropology and related ?elds.

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A n n u . R e v . A n t h r o p o l . 2006.35:361-378. D o w n l o a d e d f r o m a n n u a l r e v i e w s .o r g A c c e s s p r o v i d e d b y U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n c h e s t e r - J o h n R y l a n d s L i b r a r y o n 04/20/17. F o r p e r s o n a l u s e o n l y .

INTRODUCTION

In considering how notions of memory are infused within the food literature,one may feel somewhat in a role imagined by Jorge Luis Borges (1970)in his short story Tl¨o n,Uqbar,Orbis T ertius .Critics,writes Borges,“often invent authors:[T]hey select two dis-similar works—the T ao T e Ching and the 1001Nights ,say—attribute them to the same writer and then determine most scrupulously the psychology of this interesting homme de lettres ...[.]”

I will,of course,be inventing neither au-thors nor a subject.Y et the topic of food and memory is in several ways far less conven-tionally de?ned and bounded than would be,for example,“Kinship Studies Since the 90s”or “Change in African Pastoralist Societies.”First,few anthropological studies explicitly frame their focus as food and memory—books by Sutton (2001)and Counihan (2004)are the principal full-length works.Conse-quently there is,by and large,not a self-de?ned and readily contained literature that need merely be surveyed to assess the current state of the ?eld.Rather,the strands of sig-ni?cantly varying processes commonly con-strued as “memory”implicitly inform much of the literature on food,such that the task becomes largely to tease out and to disentan-gle these strands within differing approaches focusing on differing processes.Speci?cally,my goal is to understand how varied notions of memory emerge within much of the bur-geoning literature on food in anthropology and related ?elds,with a secondary goal of understanding how the processes described in these works could provide some broader insights into more general approaches to memory.

I do not question that a powerful connec-tion exists between food and memory.Their inexorable relationship is frequently offered to us initially in short-hand,via Proust,in which the canonized taste of the squat little madeleines is the catalyst for remembrances to ?ll dense,thick volumes.Y et precisely what

the relationships are between food and mem-ory (as phenomena and as objects of study)is complexi?ed by a second critical issue.Each half of this relationship—food and memory—is something of a ?oating signi?er,although in rather different ways.As for food,we may readily de?ne it in a strictly realist sense—that stuff that we as organisms consume by virtue of requiring energy.Y et it is an intrinsically multilayered and multidimensional subject—with social,psychological,physiological,sym-bolic dimensions,to name merely a few—and with culturally constructed meanings that dif-fer not merely,as we naturally assume,in the perspectives of our subjects,but indeed in the perspectives of the authors who construct and construe the object of food in often very dif-ferent ways,ranging from the strictly materi-alist to the ethereal gourmand.And memory is much thornier.What we homonymically label as “memory”often refers to an array of very different processes which not only has a totally different dynamic,but which we aim to under-stand for very different reasons—everything from monumental public architecture to the nostalgia evoked by a tea-soaked biscuit.In a sense,then,exploring approaches to food and memory is akin to examining the neck of the Great Roe—Woody Allen’s mythological beast with the head of the lion and the body of the lion,although not the same lion—the intersection of two objects that are potently linked but each is,to varying degrees,shifting and indeterminate.

This chapter focuses principally on the an-thropological literature,although both food and memory are subjects that intrinsically de-mand a cross-disciplinary approach.Memory ties anthropology to history,and in a different sense psychology,whereas food studies cross-cut sociology,literature,and even culinary science.I thus seek to address the ways that key questions concerning memory have been treated (explicitly or implicitly)in the study of food in anthropology and related ?elds.For instance,which facets of food—or what con-?guration of its varying facets—render it a potent site for the construction of memory?

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Which kinds of memories does food have the particular capacity to inscribe,and are there other ways that food may be implicated in a conscious or unconscious forgetting?How are food-centered forms of memory—conscious or unconscious,publicly validated or privately concealed—linked to other medi-ums for memory?How does dietary change become linked in complex,and perhaps con-tradictory,ways to broader understandings of change?Or how,alternatively,does real or perceived resilience in foodways speak to understandings of the present and imagin-ings of the future through reference to a mythic or historicized conception of past eating?

Before turning to these questions,how-ever,I ?rst survey the parameters of my two ?oating signi?ers.

DEFINING MEMORY

Despite the recent surge in memory studies,the concept is often treated in quite disparate ways.This review cannot fully engage with—much less resolve—all the issues incumbent in these disparities.However,I brie?y address some key tensions in approaches to memory,both to clarify how I treat it and to foreground reasons why food provides a particularly rich arena to explore memory’s complexities.

As some have suggested,the current schol-arly excitement over the study of “memory”is to a great extent framed in juxtaposition to its older,frumpier sibling “history”—although history is frequently tied to empiricism,ob-jectivity,and as Hodgkin &Radstone (2003)note,“a certain notion of truth”(p.3),mem-ory intrinsically destablilizes truth through a concern with the subjective ways that the past is recalled,memorialized,and used to construct the present.This,of course,oc-curs through a diverse range of processes,both individual and social,some of which constitute quite different faculties within re-membering subjects,whereas others concern social processes that mark,inscribe,or in-terpret the past.That such diverse processes

are often considered under the single rubric of memory—some literal forms of remem-bering,some more metaphorical uses of the term—infuses a fuzziness into many studies of memory that can be intrinsically problem-atic.Beyond this,however,the fact that the disparate nature of these different processes is not often acknowledged can lead to a fail-ure to underscore the multiple readings and affective ambivalence that often characterizes even a single individual’s reading of the past,much less social renderings of it.Thus,even the most nuanced treatments of memory can,perhaps inadvertently,imply that the com-plex intersecting messages elucidated in their studies might be ultimately interpreted as be-ing principally about some main thing in par-ticular,such as colonialism (Cole 2001)or the state (Mueggler 2001).Although ambiva-lences and dissonances are sometimes noted in anthropological treatments of memory (e.g.,Jackson 1995,Ong 2003,Ganguly 2001),only rarely are they treated as deeply fundamen-tal to the fabric and texture of memory,as in Smith’s (2004)treatment of heteroglossic memory.

For reasons I return to near the conclu-sion of this review,I see food as a particularly rich arena in which to explore such complexi-ties of memory,but for now I simply highlight the fairly broad parameters I employ while ex-ploring it.In my own uses of the term memory I take as fundamental to its de?nition the no-tion of experience or meaning in reference to the past.This working de?nition nonetheless includes quite a broad array of disparate pro-cesses,including (although not exhaustively)events that subjects recall or emotionally re-experience,the unconscious (perhaps embod-ied)memories of subjects,how a sense of his-toricity shapes social processes and meanings,nostalgia for a real or imagined past,and in-vented traditions.From this I exclude histori-cally sedimented practices that neither re?ect the (conscious or unconscious)captured expe-rience of remembering subjects,nor the expe-rience of temporality or historicity in subjects’present engagement with the world.Examples

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of such “unremembered forms of mem-ory”would include such notions as Shaw’s (2002)“practical memory”or James’(1988)notion of a cultural archive,and within food studies a broad range of scholarship which is principally interested in history in the strict sense of how processes unfolded over time rather than how subjects in the present re-member or construe these processes [e.g.,Cwiertka 2000,2002;Mintz 1985(and to a great extent 1996);Lentz 1999;Brandes 1997;Plotnicov &Scaglion 1999;T rubek 2000].

I now turn from memory to a brief dis-cussion of food,before returning to their con?uence.

WHAT IS FOOD?

This is not a stupid question.If the answer seems obvious (we can point to food;we have all eaten food)we should consider the extent to which the anthropological enterprise has aimed to destabilize categories drawn from the commonsense architecture of Western thought.Thus,food—like the family,gender,or religion—must be understood as a cultural construct in which categories rooted in Euro-American experience may prove inadequate.Although space does not allow a full elabo-ration of this assertion,I would contend that as a collective body the scholarly treatment of food often relies fairly explicitly on Western constructions of it;however,certainly many individual scholars rely on more culturally speci?c (e.g.,Meigs 1984)or highly theorized notions (Sutton 2001).

An important aspect of this is that the scholarly literature on food has the blessing and the curse of having potential carryover to an educated lay market.That is,where a book on structural adjustment programs,for instance,has little potential for popular ap-peal,a book on camembert (Boisard 2003)has potential marketability among high-brow,deep-pocketed cheese lovers.Venues,such as the intriguing new journal Gastronomica ,simi-larly have a vision that combines “luscious im-agery”and “a keen appreciation for the plea-sures and aesthetics of food”with “smart,edgy analysis”and “the latest in food studies,”a vi-sion that can,therefore,encompass not only articles by anthropologists and historians,but also special issues devoted to the life of Julia Child.Ethnographic cookbooks (e.g.,Roden 1974,Goldstein 1993)might be viewed in a similar light.

This natural potential link to a popular audience has implications for food studies in anthropology and elsewhere.Thus,I argue,that although the rise in anthropological in-terest in food is quite consonant with Stoller’s (1989)call for a more sensuous,experience-near ethnography elaborated in the T aste of Ethnographic Things (see also Classen 1997),often what emerges is the ethnography of tasty things—food-centered analysis that feeds on Western epicurean sensibilities,popular cul-ture notions concerning how foods serve as markers for immigrant communities,the nos-talgia that wafts from home-cooked broths,and the connections forged between mothers and daughters through food.Indeed,it is no-table that Stoller’s (1989)discussion of an in-tentionally awful meal cooked for him in Mali is atypical by virtue of its focus on unappeal-ing food.In sum,then,I argue that a limita-tion of food studies (anthropology not wholly excluded)is a tendency to construct the multi-dimensional object of food within a particular Euro-American framework.

I now consider some of the dominant re-lationships between food and memory,which have been explored within anthropology and related ?elds.These relationships include em-bodied memories constructed through food;food as a locus for historically constructed identity,ethnic or nationalist;the role of food in various forms of “nostalgia”;dietary change as a socially charged marker of epochal shifts;gender and the agents of memory;and con-texts of remembering and forgetting through food.In conclusion,I consider some themes and directions for further study,which may enhance our understanding of both food and memory and the relationship between them.

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FOOD AND SENSUOUS MEMORY

Sutton’s (2001)Remembrance of Repasts is an important starting point for considering the relationship between food and memory by virtue of his efforts to deal with issues of mem-ory from a variety of perspectives.Framed as a prospective and theoretical look at a little-explored topic,his starting point is what he terms a “Proustian anthropology,”derived from his observation that his informants on the Greek Island of Kalymnos frequently re-member far-off events through food—for in-stance,the apricots they were eating while ex-ploring an abandoned synagogue during the Nazi occupation.One important dimension to this book is that he deals with many of the varied phenomena that we label memory.For instance,how the seasonal food cycle shapes “prospective memory”by causing one to look-ing forward (e.g.,pears in August)in reference to past events:how the repetition of everyday habits [such as Seremetakis’s (1996)account of drinking a cup of coffee]in some sense still time,by recreating past occurrences;how the longstanding anthropological interest of exchange can be understood through refer-ence to memory,since social relations are con-structed through narratives of past generosity (or lack thereof);and how (per Douglas 1975)one meal is understood in reference to pre-vious meals.This broad-ranging treatment of memory offers a range of creative insights into the phenomena we term memory,although also to some extent elides the above-discussed ambiguities concerning the disparities among the varying phenomena we term “memory.”Sutton’s (2000,2001)most central con-cern is how the sensuality of food causes it to be a particularly intense and compelling medium for memory.The experience of food evokes recollection,which is not simply cog-nitive but also emotional and physical,par-alleling notions such as Bourdieu’s (1977)habitus,Connerton’s (1989)notion of bod-ily memory,and Stoller’s (1995)emphasis on embodied memories.Indeed,varied exam-

ples show food to be an important engine for the construction of intense bodily memories.Powles (2002)argues that the collective mem-ory of displacement for refugees she stud-ied in Zambia is constructed most poignantly through the corporeal experience of the ab-sence of ?sh.Harbottle (1997)considers how the taste responses of Iranians in Britain are embodied experiences of pollution,purity,and ethnicity,seeing the mouth “as a gateway through which a person guards and protects the self from the outside.”Giard (1998with De Certeau)construes the everyday practice of eating as making “concrete one of the spe-ci?c modes of relation between a person and the world,thus forming one of the fundamen-tal landmarks in space-time”(p.183).Batsell et al.(2002)have found that in the United States childhood experiences of being forced to clean one’s plate form compelling “?ash-bulb memories,”recalling in vivid detail as-pects of early childhood when little else may be remembered,while Lupton (1994,1996)similarly examines how the emotional embod-ied memories surrounding particular foods are implicated in structuring eating habits.And Seremetakis’s (1993)re?exive montage aims at developing a memory of the senses—for instance,the exchange of saliva in the mushed bread that passes from grandmother to child’s mouth—to understand the lost expe-riences that are not part of the public culture of Greek modernization.

Thus,the sensuousness of food is central to understanding at least much of its power as a vehicle for memory.Y et,as with food stud-ies generally,we need to be wary of taking for granted Euro-American constructions both of this sensuousness and the body experiencing it.If recalling through the sweet,moist de-lights of a ?g (Sutton 2001)is of a piece with Western Epicurean sensuality,the sensuality associated with the sorcery-induced diarrhea central to the political contestation of mem-ory at Lelet mortuary feasts in New Ireland (Eves 1996)is rather not.Thus,while concur-ring that the power of food in constructing memory is intrinsically tied to its sensuality,

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we need be remain wary of too readily relying on familiar constructions of it.

FOOD AND ETHNIC IDENTITY

Ethnic identity forms a central arena in which food is tied to notions of memory,al-though not necessarily framed in those terms.Notably,even if an identity is constructed through a historical consciousness,it is quite possible to make a synchronic analysis of how it is marked or performed.Thus,for exam-ple,although Bahloul’s (1989)analysis of the Seder shows Algerian Jewish ethnicity to be constructed by multistranded historical ele-ments,the study does so through a somewhat ahistorical structuralist framework.Similarly,Searls’s (2002)ethnography richly shows the historical elements in aspects of Inuit col-lective identity constructed through contrasts between Inuit and “white”food but does not emphasize how Inuit people experience this through a lens of historicity.

A vast literature—some in anthropology,although much in folklore and other ?elds—has been concerned with how American ethnic identities in particular are maintained and performed through food.Thus,a plethora of studies demonstrate how various eth-nic American groups use food—in festivals or in the family—to maintain a histori-cally validated ethnic identity (e.g.,Brown &Mussel 1984,Comito 2001,Douglas 1984,Gabbacia 1998,Gillespie 1984,Humphrey &Humphrey 1988,Kalcik 1984,Lockwood &Lockwood 2000,Powers &Powers 1984,Shortridge &Shortridge 1998)Although a rich and engaging literature exists,many stud-ies tend toward the atheoretical,relying on popular culture notions of the resilience of ethnic difference within the melting pot,rather than theorizing this phenomenon.There are,of course,exceptions,such as Spiro’s (1955)Freudian-inspired argument that “the oral zone is,of course,the ?rst to be socialized”(p.1249)(and hence less easily acculturated)or Goode’s (Goode et al.1984)use of Mary Douglas’(1975)notion of meal

format,to explain what they saw as greater resilience in prosaic,everyday eating than in the festive contexts typically emphasized.Diner’s (2003)historical study of nineteenth-and early-twentieth-century immigration to the United States also provides an interesting counterpoint to the widespread focus on food as a valorized site of ethnic resilience,em-phasizing memories of hunger—rather than tasty ethnic dishes—in structuring immigrant experience.Thus,Diner suggests,“as hun-gry people found food within their reach,they partook of it in ways which resonated with their earlier deprivations.How they re-membered those hungers allows us to see how they had once lived them,and how they then understood themselves in their new home without them”(pp.220–21).T uchman &Levine (1993)also present an interest-ing twist on stereotyped versions of Ameri-can ethnic identity,by pointing out through the New Y ork Jewish love of Chinese food that even self-de?ned traditions need not be of great historical depth,tied to a mythical past,nor some essentialized notion of core identity.

One important question that the Ameri-can ethnic literature tends to elide is what the signi?cance is of this identity—everyone has origins and ancestors,but not everyone per-forms them through food—particularly when such an identity may not have much life out-side festivals or public displays.This is a ques-tion that Brown &Mussel (1984)allude to,although mainly in an empiricist sense of striv-ing to identify their unit of analysis of “eth-nic”or “regional”foodways.Buckser’s (1999)analysis of Kosher practices in Denmark also problematizes the signi?cance of identity by exploring how Jews do (or do not)maintain a historically validated identity through food in a context where a Jewish “community”ar-guably does not exist.Abarca (2004)is also useful in problematizing notions of identity through a contrast of notions of “the authen-tic,”an overly essentialized historical identity,versus “the original,”which acknowledges the agency of cooks within that identity.

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THE GASTRONOMIC MEMORY OF DIASPORA

Food-centered nostalgia is a recurring theme in studies of diasporic or expatriate popu-lations.Unlike the just-discussed examples,here the emphasis is on experience of dis-placement rather than construction of iden-tity.Sutton (2000,2001)emphasizes the long-ing evoked in diasporic individuals by the smells and tastes of a lost homeland,provid-ing a temporary return to a time when their lives were not fragmented.Such sentiments can be found in direct texts,such as Roden’s (1974)Book of Middle Eastern Food ,inspired by memories of her Cairo childhood evoked by brown https://www.sodocs.net/doc/1518593430.html,posed of recipes and sto-ries/ethnographies collected from other dis-placed Middle Easterners,it is both cook-book and work of nostalgia.Apropos to this is Appadurai’s (1988)characterization of Indian cookbooks as the literature of exiles.

The theme of gustatory nostalgia is par-ticularly evident in analyses of Indian immi-grants,such as Roy’s (2002)(mainly literary)analysis of the “Gastropoetics of South Indian Diaspora.”Mankekar (2002)argues that In-dian customers do not go to ethnic markets in the Bay Area simply to shop for groceries,but also to engage with representations of their (sometimes imagined)homeland.Like Sutton and others,she sees the gustatory as central to the creation of memory,ranging from the sensory clues the shops evoke,the cultural mnemonics of the commodities purchased,and how the goods acquired allow for prac-tices that foster historically validated forms of identity.Ray’s (2004)full-length work takes food as a potent and broad-ranging realm to understand changes in everyday life brought about by migration and globalization among Bengali-American households,with particu-lar emphasis on the ways that food becomes a nexus of nostalgia and diasporic identity.In a different ethnographic context,Lee (2000)provides an interesting contrast to notions of diasporic gustatory nostalgia in showing how the inability of older Korean migrants to Japan

to stomach spicy Korean food as they age problematizes self-identity because they in-terpret their changing tastes as the moral fail-ure of not remaining suf?ciently Korean.

GUSTATORY NOSTALGIA,

EXPERIENCED AND INVENTED

As a form of memory,“nostalgia”has several different senses,generally and in respect to food.Some food literature (particularly out-side anthropology)relies on a lay notion of sentimentality for a lost past,viewing food as a vehicle for recollections of childhood and family.Winegardner et al.(1998)contains varied accounts by mostly American writers re?ecting on their family histories through the lens of food.Similar themes are developed in several interesting and creative pieces by contributors in Weiss (1997),blending a range of artistic and humanistic genres in exploring aspects of childhood nostalgia.Food-centered reminiscence is articulated within genres of food-centered memoirs (e.g.,Clarke 1999,Keith 1992),the most well-known within this genre being Fisher’s (1943)classic The Gastro-nomical Me .

Y et,in contrast with viewing nostalgia as a re-experiencing of emotional pasts it may also be seen as a longing for times and places that one has never experienced.Appadurai (1996)characterizes this as “armchair”nos-talgia,suggesting that in late capitalist con-sumerism “the merchandiser supplies the lu-bricant of nostalgia”and the consumer “need only bring the faculty of nostalgia to an image that will supply the memory of a loss he or she has never suffered”(p.78).The literature on food is rich with such nostalgia.Kugelmass’(1990)playful analysis of the carnivalesque in a New Y ork Jewish restaurant offers a partic-ularly rich description of the evocation of a schmaltz-based version of nostalgia for expe-riences that patrons at the restaurant never had.This type of nostalgia is also not discrete from the experience of actual loss.Mankekar (2002)emphasizes the extent to which the

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gustatory nostalgia Indian shoppers experi-ence is for representations of a homeland that is largely imagined.Lupton (1994,1996)ar-gues that the nostalgic remembering of com-fort foods need not be linked to a happy child-hood but can serve to create the ?ction of one,a theme also developed in Duruz’s (1999)anal-ysis of “Eating the 50s and 60s”in Australia.Several studies emphasize a kind of false colonial nostalgia entailed in eating “ethnic food”sometimes construed as “eating the Other.”Narayan’s (1995)multilayered anal-ysis of the invention and meanings of curry speaks directly to such issues.Cook &Crang (1996)employ a cultural studies approach to the ways in which geographical knowledge is constructed in encounters with exotic “eth-nic”foods,cooked by Others who were once in the distant reaches of Empire,but who now constitute London as the quintessential glob-alized city (see also Goldman 1992,Heldke 2001).Bal (2005)takes a novel approach to similar issues concerning how glub —a kind of seed eating prevalent among immigrants in Berlin—is part of the aesthetic that shapes the Berlin art world,suggesting that it stands for cultural habits through which artists “partici-pate in other people’s memories”(p.66).No-tably,to Bal the exposure to culturally deep culinary habits,rather than the literal con-sumption of “ethnic food,”is central here.The link of Appadurai’s “armchair nostal-gia”to consumerism is seen in studies that illustrate how “tradition”—often invented—serves in the selling of consumer goods,using notions of history to convey a par-ticular unique panache to a product.Most analyses focus on elite foods,although cer-tainly the idiom is not limited to them;that Budweiser has been brewed since 1876is sig-ni?cant to its slogan “The King of Beers,”but it makes no parallel claim to being the “Beer of Kings.”T ypically,however,histor-ical notions construct claims of distinction.Thus Ulin (1995,1996)has analyzed the po-litical maneuvering of French wine producers in arguing that “Bordeaux’s paramount rep-utation follows from a social history and a

hegemonic,invented winegrowing tradition that enabled winegrowing elites to replicate and pro?t from the cultural capital associated with the aristocracy”(1995,p.519).T errio’s (2000)examination of the history of French chocolate also notes the ways that chocolatiers romanticize their history through an “ideol-ogy of craft”expressed in memoirs,public histories,lectures,and window plays that are integral to selling their chocolate.

FOOD,NATIONALISM,AND INVENTED TRADITIONS

Many studies consider the creation of nation through the invention,standardization,or valorization of a national cuisine,often draw-ing on Anderson’s (1983)conception of the imagined community and Hobsbawm’s (1983)conception of invented tradition.Cookbooks are one important avenue for this process,for instance in Appadurai’s (1988)classic study of the creation of Indian national cuisine through cookbooks from the 1960s–1980s,where forging the nation out of distinct re-gions is a prominent trope.Zubaida &T apper (1994)note the shared tendency among na-tionalist ideologues and many writers on food “to be drawn to explanations in terms of ori-gin and to assumptions of cultural continuity in the history of a people or a region”(p.7).Roden (1974),for instance,unabashedly ties contemporary everyday Middle Eastern cook-ing methods,from Iran to Morocco,to the medieval al-Baghdadi cookbook,whereas Perry (1994)similarly enters into national-ist debates concerning origins of baklava.In a more critical vein,Fragner (1994)looks his-torically at Persian cookbooks as a form of literature and the agendas to which historical ethnography is employed within them.

Food is often used explicitly in the inven-tion of national identities,a prominent theme in many of the contributions to Bellasco &Scranton’s (2002)collection on the role of food in consumer societies.Murcott (1996)also emphasizes food as a symbol for creating imagined communities of nation in Europe.

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Wilk’s (1999)analysis of the recent rise of Belizean cuisine is particularly interesting be-cause both nation and cuisine are more intrin-sically imagined than in most contexts.Devel-oped in response to the perceived need for a culture of nationhood after independence in 1981,Wilk contrasts 1970s meals of bland,imported food with the 1990s,when Belizean “local food”had become an important imag-ined tradition of Belizean authenticity.The need for “authenticity”in the tourist indus-try is a second driving force,a theme also emphasized in Howell’s analysis of the lamb dish mansaf —traditionally the quintessential Bedouin food of hospitality—as a symbol of Jordanian national identity,constructing nos-talgic identities based in notions of Bedouin hospitality,which serve both nationalist dis-course and the tourist industry.Closer to home,Siskind (1992)elucidates the invention of Thanksgiving (a.k.a.T urkey Day)as a ritual of American nationality.

Boisard’s (2003)study of camembert ex-plores how this smelly cheese has become a concrete mythic symbol of the Republic and French national identity.Through a range of historical transformations camembert is a malleable symbol upon which other strug-gles are layered:For instance,pasteurized ver-sus unpasteurized camembert comes to repre-sent a struggle of tradition versus modernity within such anxieties as the impact of the Eu-ropean Union.Similar themes form an impor-tant dimension in Ohnuki-Tierney’s (1993)nuanced study of rice in Japan,explicating how rice constructs Japanese conceptions of self in ways that are intensely historical and mythic,both overdetermined and invented.Rice has diffuse symbolic and material signi?-cance ranging from cosmogony,the aesthetics of consumption,the centrality of the rural rice paddy in nationalist natural aesthetic,and of course dietary staple.Y et it is also a metaphor viewed through a highly selective lens,par-ticularly because it was not always the staple food,especially for nonelites in central Japan.Integration into the European Union (EU)has been a particularly important arena tying food to notions of memory and historical con-sciousness,particularly the threat of homoge-nization of national and regional difference—both in scholarship and within the popular culture slow food movement.Seremetakis (1996),for instance,considers what she sees as the erasure of unconscious memory,as special varieties of food are lost through standard-ization.Leitch (2000,2003)provides a par-ticularly rich analysis of the politics of mem-ory in regard to a speci?c food item,lardo di Colonatta ,a pork lard native to a town in Italy.Both the food and its artisanal produc-tion techniques were valorized in the town’s collective memory through annual lardo festi-vals until health standards imposed by the EU placed restrictions on production techniques.Its identi?cation by the slow food movement as an endangered food subsequently enhanced its marketability,in what Leitch argues was (as in some studies cited above)a commodi-?cation of tradition,where the nostalgia sur-rounding lardo became the commodity sold.Other studies,although of a more literary or historical bent,offer to constructions of na-tionalism other insights into the relationship of food-centered memory.Lyngo (2001)ex-amines the public construction of memory in nutritional exhibitions in Norway in the 1930s using a lens of modernity to contrast the sci-ence incumbent in a “new Norwegian diet”with supposed nutritional problems found in past methods of Norwegian eating.In a differ-ent vein,Morton’s (2004)collection ties food to notions of English romanticism,and al-though many of the pieces are restricted to literary analysis,others elucidate vivid forms of nostalgia historically or in contemporary life.Fulford (2004),for instance,focuses on the importance of breadfruit in the imagina-tion of Empire by evoking mythic images of lost Eden in which T ahitian islanders could supposedly get bread without work.In the contemporary context,Roe (2004)examines how the recent foot and mouth epidemic was read through the lens of nostalgic notions of Romantic England,being not just an animal epidemic but a threat to the romantic notion

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of the countryside as “a haven,a blessed sanc-tuary”(p.110).

FOOD,GENDER,AND THE AGENTS OF MEMORY

Gender forms a central theme within many analyses of food and memory,emphasizing its role as a vehicle for particularly feminine forms of memory.Thus,for instance,Couni-han (2002a,2004)explicitly uses her food-centered life-history approach as a means to “give voice to traditionally muted peo-ple ...especially women ”(2004,pp.1–2;em-phasis added).Christensen (2001)views the kitchen as a repository for memory;describ-ing his mother’s experience he asserts that “to open the skin of a garlic and dice its contents into grains allowed her to become a daughter again,to reenter the female world of her child-hood”(p.26).Thus,a wide body of literature emphasizes memory structured through what is construed as women’s special relationship to food,providing access to histories and mem-ories not found in other types of accounts.Meyers (2001)sees “food heritage”as a gift that mothers give to their daughters in an ac-count that seeks to correct for the widespread emphasis on dysfunction in mother-daughter relationships.Berzok (2001)similarly pro-vides a very re?exive recounting of memo-ries encompassed in recipes her mother has given her.Innes’s (2001a)varied edited collec-tion examines how gender politics and mem-ory are constructed through food.Thus,for instance,Blend (2001)construes tortilla mak-ing as a prosaic,but ritualized activity,which ties Latina women to a historically consti-tuted subjectivity grounded in a gendered cultural identity,“tortilla/tamale making as a woman-centered,role-af?rming communal ritual that empowers women as the carri-ers of tradition.”Kelly (2001)takes as her starting point a grave marker memorializing “Helga,the Little Lefse Maker,”deftly of-fering a more ambivalent view on the forms of memory laden with the contradictions entailed in women’s valorization through

activities that simultaneously index their subordination.

These studies,many re?exive,and most not by anthropologists,illustrate both the strengths and weaknesses of food scholarship discussed earlier in this review.Although the insights they reveal about food are accessi-ble and appealing to a student and educated lay audience,their familiarity may not push food studies to uncharted terrain.Most deal with American contexts and can imply stereo-typical notions of Western womanhood by suggesting the natural feminine gendering of memories surrounding food.In contrast with the signi?cant body of woman-centered food literature,relatively few studies examine mas-culinized memories through food,such as T aggart’s (2002)use (per Counihan)of food-centered life histories among Latino men in the American southwest or Weiner’s (1996)historical study of the role of Coca Cola in the nostalgic yearnings (and subsequent wartime memories)of American soldiers in World War II (see also Mintz 1996).Moving be-yond Western contexts,however,one may en-counter forms of food-centered memory that are far more masculine,such as memory cre-ation enacted through the feasts of Melane-sian big men (e.g.,Eves 1996,Foster 1990)or in memories of male food-centered commu-nitas among Samburu pastoralists in Kenya (Holtzman 1999).

A handful of studies examine more novel ?gures who serve as the mediators of memory and tradition through food.Chatwin (1997),for instance,engages in an extended discus-sion of the tamada ,the head of the table at Georgian drinking occasions,seen as a “world maker,”a mediator of tradition and nostalgia who has the authority to construct a particular vision of the past.In a different context,Prosterman (1984)presents an inter-esting view on public memory by focusing on the kosher caterer as a professional who stores,refracts,and mediates collective ideas about a historically validated identity,through the se-lection of arrays of foods appropriate to par-ticular groups and particular events,tailoring

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“tradition”to the individualized tastes of par-ticular clients.

FOOD AS THE MARKER OF

EPOCHAL TRANSFORMATIONS

Dietary change marks epochal social transfor-mations in a wide range of contexts,serving as a lens both to characterize the past and to read the present through the past (e.g.,Holtzman 2003).Often this entails “memo-ries of Gemeinschaft”(Sutton 2001),where previous foods tasted better or where food was shared more freely in precapitalist rela-tions.Sometimes this feeling is expressed by the subjects themselves,but other times it is inferred by anthropologists and other writers on food.Thus,for instance,the desperation to acquire food is the central trope in T urnbull’s (1972)narrative concerning the total dissolu-tion of sociality,love,and kindness among the Ik,although absent is an account of how the Ik viewed themselves in relation to food and their past.In a different sense,Watson’s (1997)col-lection implicitly engages with arguably nos-talgic discourses concerning the loss of the unique non-Western Other,by looking at the localization of the quintessential symbol of cultural imperialism and homogenization—McDonalds—in a range of East Asian contexts.Field (1997)employs a genre blend-ing cookbook with “salvage ethnography,”al-though the nostalgia that laces her account is mainly that of the older Italian women who serve as her informants.

Past ways of eating can alternatively con-trast the present to a better past,or an infe-rior past to an enlightened modernity.These alternating themes are developed in contri-butions to Kahn &Sexton’(1988)collection on change and continuity in Paci?c foodways,where traditional foods serve as cultural mark-ers in the context of dietary change.Flinn (1988),for instance,examines how Pulpalese assert moral superiority in relation to others on T ruk through their comparatively greater reliance on traditional foods,whereas Lewis (1988)looks at “gustatory subversion”on

Kiribati,where the local cuisine is under-mined by associating new foods with a supe-rior modernity.I,however,argue that among Samburu pastoralists,the same individuals ambivalently mix these themes,viewing new ways of eating on the basis of purchased agri-cultural products simultaneously as markers of diffuse cultural decay and as the triumph of practical reason over the irrational cul-tural practices of an unenlightened past (J.D.Holtzman,unpublished manuscript).In a dif-ferent sense Noguchi (1994)argues that the same food—ekiben,or train station lunch boxes—can simultaneously represent “high speed Japan”and a venerated past.

Counihan’s Around the T uscan T able (2004)—one of the few full-length works speci?cally concerned with food and memory—employs “food-centered life his-tory”to use food as a window into the key changes in the lives of late twentieth century Florentines.Focusing on experiences and memories concerning all manners of eating,and changes in food over time,Counihan shows that food serves as a vivid medium for understanding perspectives on modernity often invisible within public debates.Many of the essays in Wu &T an’s (2001)edited collection on changing Chinese foodways develop similar themes,including the ways foods are used to de?ne both tradition and the hybridity/syncretism of modernity.

Several studies look through the lens of food at epochal transformations in post-Socialist societies.Farquhar’s (2002)full-length work addresses the question of “appetites”(encompassing food and sex)in postsocialist China.Emphasizing an em-bodied approach to history and memory,Farquhar examines the changing meanings and contexts of desire,in which 1990s con-sumerism is read in reference to the embod-ied asceticism and altruism that characterized Maoist ideology.Chatwin (1997)describes the “urgency and nostalgia”that accompanied food insecurity in post-Soviet Georgia.In the context of growing chaos,nostalgia emerged both for the distant culinary past—partially a

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Hobsbawmian tradition for the new Georgian nation—and for the more recent orderliness of the Soviet system.

Speci?c foods can also be vehicles for re-connecting with a lost past.Pollock (1992)notes how traditional Polynesian foods,once viewed in negative terms,are now revalorized as the “roots of tradition.”Erikson (1999)focuses on the controversy surrounding re-newed whaling by Makah native Americans who,in the face of often racially charged op-position,viewed it as a means for reinvigorat-ing a historically validated identity centered both on food procurement and consumption,contending both that the hunt is a “cultural necessity”and that adding whale back to their diet would ameliorate health problems.

RITUALS OF REMEMBERING AND FORGETTING THROUGH FOOD

Ritual has been viewed as a potent site for constructing food-centered memory—and food-centered forgetting.Dove (1999),for instance,looks at the ritual encoding of “archaic”plant foods as a mythic means for perpetuating cultural memory.In contrast,Singer (1984)shows how within a Hindu sect food is used as a medium for forgetting,cre-ating new identities through the intentional erasure of the sediments of other ones.

Mortuary feasting is a particularly impor-tant arena for memorializing and forgetting through food,viewed in some instances as a context that creates a space of temporary memorialization,after which the person can be (at least publicly)forgotten (Munn 1986,Battaglia 1990).In contrast with public for-getting,Sutton (2001)suggests that the of-fering of mortuary food (and later devotions to dead relatives)begins the creation of a new person,by reediting memories of the deceased in reference to their generosity while alive.Hamilakis (1998)comparatively draws from Melanesian ethnography in his archaeologi-cal examination of funerary feasting from the Bronze Age Aegean,concerning how food

may offer a range of devices to generate mem-ory and forgetting.Foster (1990)argues that forms of ceremonial exchange—ambiguously read as nurturing and/or forced feeding—is the medium for creating matrilineal conti-nuity through time among T angans of New Ireland.Eves (1996)also focuses on the mem-ories created by and concerning the givers and receivers of mortuary feasts,speci?cally how the embodied experience of the feast (particu-larly sorcery-induced diarrhea)serves to cre-ate a remembrance of the feast that is trans-formed into fame for the feast giver.

An additional context is the literal or ?g-urative eating of the dead themselves.Bloch (1985)focuses not on eating the dead,per se,but on metaphorical quasi-cannibalism when Merina “almost eat the ancestors”in the form of rice and beef,in an intriguing analysis of how particular foods become tied to mythic forms of identity.A range of studies focuses on funerary cannibalism,(e.g.,Conklin 2001,McCallum 1999)and the culturally variant ways that eating the dead serves to deal with issues of grief,remembering,and forgetting in culturally speci?c ways.Stephen (1998)presents a more general psychological argu-ment that funerary cannibalism (and other forms of corpse abuse)is tied to deeply em-bedded memories of other types of bereave-ment and loss,particularly the severing of the mother-child bond.

CONCLUSION

Here I have sought to discuss a con?uence that is powerful,yet also in many ways is inde-terminate.On one hand,we have food,which may be construed as principally fuel,a symbol,a medium of exchange,or a sensuous object experienced by an embodied self.On the other hand,memory may be private remembrance,public displays of historically validated iden-tity,an intense experience of an epochal his-torical shift,or reading the present through the imagining of a past that never was—all processes in which food is implicated.In con-clusion,I aim to consider some questions and

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themes that may provide further insight into what dynamic could link these various pro-cesses in ways that are generalizable or partic-ular to speci?c contexts and historical/cultural milieus.

The most central question,sometimes addressed quite deliberately,but sometimes elided,is,“why food?”What makes food such a powerful and diffuse locus of memory?The most compelling answer,as many studies dis-cussed here illustrate,is that the sensuality of eating transmits powerful mnemonic cues,principally through smells and tastes.How-ever,this answer also has limitations.I sug-gest that scholars tend to emphasize forms of bodily memory consonant with Western views of food and the body—the pleasant smells and tastes of good food with far less attention to other types of sensualities,less epicurean,and sometimes less pleasant—whether full-ness,energy,lethargy,hunger,sickness,or discomfort.This is less a critique of an ap-proach based on sensuality than a call to prob-lematize it deliberately.However,the sensu-ousness of food does not fully explain the widespread “armchair nostalgia”surrounding many foods nor how rarely eaten “heritage foods”are sometimes those most closely tied to collective memory.Indeed many studies successfully emphasize the symbolic impor-tance of food without reference to its bodily experiences.

One potential,though so far underdevel-oped,theme that might illuminate some of these linkages is the extent to which food in-trinsically traverses the public and the inti-mate.Although eating always has a deeply private component,unlike our other most private activities food is integrally consti-tuted through its open sharing,whether in rituals,feasts,reciprocal exchange,or con-texts in which it is bought and sold.One might consider then the signi?cance of this rather unique movement between the most intimate and the most public in fostering food’s symbolic power,in general,and in relation to memory,in particular.At the same time,we must maintain an awareness of the fact that this attribute has a particu-lar cultural-historical dynamic in the Euro-American contexts that are disproportion-ately represented in food studies.In America (unlike in some cultural/historical contexts),for instance,what one eats at home is rel-atively unmarked—even valorized,as an en-during symbol of the melting pot—whereas in the public sphere ethnic food is a partic-ularly palatable form of multiculturalism,in contrast with the conformity expected,de-manded,or even legislated in areas such as language and clothing.One might,then,con-sider what the ubiquity of food in maintain-ing historically constituted identities owes not only to the properties of food itself,but also to the social and cultural conditions that allow or encourage this to be a space for resilient identities where other arenas are far more stigmatized.

Viewed from the other side,one may ask,conversely,what food could illuminate about memory as a more general phenomenon or set of phenomena.As Wiley (2006)has recently noted,food studies is one area that remains relatively at ease among the often fractious debates concerning the continuing value,or inevitable unbundling,of anthropology’s four ?elds.Few dispute that the salience of food emanates not only from its material central-ity as the nutritional source of life,but also from the ways that this key facet articulates with densely intersecting—yet to some de-gree discrete—lines of causality and mean-ing in ways that are deeply symbolic,sen-suous,psychological,and social.It has the uncanny ability to tie the minutiae of ev-eryday experience to broader cultural pat-terns,hegemonic structures,and political-economic processes,structuring experience in ways that can be logical,and outside of logic,in ways that are conscious,canonized,or be-yond the realm of conscious awareness.And so too are many of the disparate phenomena we term memory—social,psychological,em-bodied,invented,private and political,dis-crete yet also interconnected and reinforc-ing.Food,thus,offers a potential window into

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forms of memory that are more heteroglossic,ambivalent,layered,and textured.I,thus,sug-gest that understandings of food and memory would bene?t from studies that more de-liberately aim to understand the intercon-nections among the varying aspects of food,the varying phenomena of memory,and their con?uences—how these in some senses con-stitute a whole,albeit a messy and ambiguous one.

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Holtzman

Annual Review of Anthropology

Volume 35,2006

Contents

Prefatory Chapter

On the Resilience of Anthropological Archaeology

Kent V .Flannery p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1Archaeology

Archaeology of Overshoot and Collapse

Joseph A.T ainter p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 59Archaeology and T exts:Subservience or Enlightenment

John Moreland p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 135Alcohol:Anthropological/Archaeological Perspectives

Michael Dietler p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 229Early Mainland Southeast Asian Landscapes in the First Millennium a.d.

Miriam T .Stark p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 407The Maya Codices

Gabrielle V ail p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 497Biological Anthropology

What Cultural Primatology Can T ell Anthropologists about the Evolution of Culture

Susan E.Perry p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 171Diet in Early Homo :A Review of the Evidence and a New Model of Adaptive Versatility

Peter S.Ungar,Frederick E.Grine,and Mark F .T eaford p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 209Obesity in Biocultural Perspective

Stanley J.Ulijaszek and Hayley Lo?nk p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 337

Evolution of the Size and Functional Areas of the Human Brain

P .Thomas Schoenemann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Mayan Historical Linguistics and Epigraphy:A New Synthesis

S?ren Wichmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 279

Environmental Discourses Peter M ¨uhlh¨a usler and Adrian Peace p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 457Old Wine,New Ethnographic Lexicography

Michael Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 481International Anthropology and Regional Studies

The Ethnography of Finland

Jukka Siikala p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 153Sociocultural Anthropology

The Anthropology of Money

Bill Maurer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 15Food and Globalization

Lynne Phillips p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 37The Research Program of Historical Ecology

William Balée p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 75Anthropology and International Law

Sally Engle Merry p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 99Institutional Failure in Resource Management

James M.Acheson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 117Indigenous People and Environmental Politics

Michael R.Dove p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 191Parks and Peoples:The Social Impact of Protected Areas

Paige West,James Igoe,and Dan Brockington p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251Sovereignty Revisited

Thomas Blom Hansen and Finn Stepputat p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 295Local Knowledge and Memory in Biodiversity Conservation

Virginia D.Nazarea p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317

x Contents

开关电源中的电子变压器有何作用

开关电源中的电子变压器有何作用电子变压器，具有将市电的交变电压转变为直流后再通过半导体开关器件以及电子元件和高频变压器绕组构成一种高频交流电压输出的电子装置，也是在电子学理论中所讲述的一种交直交逆变电路。无论是直流电源还是交流电源，都要使用由软磁磁芯制成的电子变压器(软磁电磁元件)。 1、起改变输出频率作用的倍频或分频变压器; 2、起储能作用的储能电感器，起帮助半导体开关换向作用的换向电感器; 3、起变换电压、电流或脉冲检测信号的电压互感器、电流互感器、脉冲互感器、直流互感器、零磁通互感器、弱电互感器、零序电流互感器、霍尔电流电压检测器； 4、起电压和功率变换作用的电源变压器，功率变压器，整流变压器，逆变变压器，开关变压器，脉冲功率变压器; 5、起交流和直流滤波作用的滤波电感器; 6、起调节电感作用的可控电感器和饱和电感器;

7、起传递脉冲、驱动和触发信号作用的脉冲变压器，驱动变压器，触发变压器; 8、起吸收浪涌电流作用的吸收电感器，起减缓电流变化速率的缓冲电感器; 9、起原边和副边绝缘隔离作用的隔离变压器，起屏蔽作用的屏蔽变压器; 10、起开关作用的磁性开关电感器和变压器; 11、起传递宽带、声频、中周功率和信号作用的宽带变压器，声频变压器，中周变压器; 12、起稳定输出电压或电流作用的稳压变压器(包括恒压变压器)或稳流变压器，起调节输出电压作用的调压变压器; 13、起单相变三相或三相变单相作用的相数变换变压器，起改变输出相位作用的相位变换变压器(移相器); 14、起抑制电磁干扰作用的电磁干扰滤波电感器，起抑制噪声作用的噪声滤波电感器; 15、起改变输出阻抗与负载阻抗相匹配作用的匹配变压器。

开关电源变压器参数设计步骤详解

开关电源高频变压器设计步骤步骤1确定开关电源的基本参数 1交流输入电压最小值u min 2交流输入电压最大值u max 3电网频率F l开关频率f 4输出电压V O（V）：已知 5输出功率P O（W）：已知 6电源效率η：一般取80％ 7损耗分配系数Z：Z表示次级损耗与总损耗的比值，Z=0表示全部损耗发生在初级，Z=1表示发生在次级。一般取Z=0.5 步骤2根据输出要求，选择反馈电路的类型以及反馈电压V FB 步骤3根据u，P O值确定输入滤波电容C IN、直流输入电压最小值V Imin 1令整流桥的响应时间tc=3ms 2根据u，查处C IN值 3得到V imin 确定C IN,V Imin值 u(V)P O(W)比例系数(μF/W)C IN(μF)V Imin(V) 固定输已知2~3(2~3)×P O≥90 入:100/115 步骤4根据u，确通用输入:85~265已知2~3(2~3)×P O≥90 定V OR、V B 固定输入:230±35已知1P O≥240 1根据u由表查出V OR、V B值

2 由V B 值来选择TVS 步骤5根据Vimin 和V OR 来确定最大占空比 Dmax V OR Dmax= ×100％ V OR +V Imin －V DS(ON) 1设定MOSFET 的导通电压V DS(ON) 2 应在u=umin 时确定Dmax 值，Dmax 随u 升高而减小步骤6确定初级纹波电流I R 与初级峰值电流I P 的比值K RP ，K RP =I R /I P u(V) K RP 最小值(连续模式)最大值(不连续模式) 固定输入:100/1150.41通用输入:85~2650.441固定输入:230±35 0.6 1 步骤7确定初级波形的参数 ①输入电流的平均值I AVG P O I A VG= ηV Imin ②初级峰值电流I P I A VG I P = (1－0.5K RP )×Dmax ③初级脉动电流I R u(V) 初级感应电压V OR (V)钳位二极管反向击穿电压V B (V) 固定输入:100/115 6090通用输入:85~265135200固定输入:230±35 135 200

变压器开关电源致命原理

变压器开关电源致命原理在Toff期间，控制开关K关断，流过变压器初级线圈的电流突然为0。由于变压器初级线圈回路中的电流产生突变，而变压器铁心中的磁通量不能突变，因此，必须要求流过变压器次级线圈回路的电流也跟着突变，以抵消变压器初级线圈电流突变的影响，要么，在变压器初级线圈回路中将出现非常高的反电动势电压，把控制开关或变压器击穿。如果变压器铁心中的磁通ф产生突变，变压器的初、次级线圈就会产生无限高的反电动势，反电动势又会产生无限大的电流，而电流在线圈中产生的磁力线又会抵制磁通的变化，因此，变压器铁心中的磁通变化，最终还是要受到变压器初、次级线圈中的电流来约束的。因此，在控制开关K关断的Toff期间，变压器铁心中的磁通主要由变压器次级线圈回路中的电流来决定，即： e2 =-N2*dф/dt =-L2*di2/dt = i2R —— K关断期间 (1-64) 式中负号表示反电动势e2的极性与(1-62)式中的符号相反，即：K接通与关断时变压器次级线圈产生的感应电动势的极性正好相反。对(1-64)式阶微分方程求解得：式中C为常数，把初始条件代入上式，就很容易求出C，由于控制开关K由接通状态突然转为关断时，变压器初级线圈回路中的电流突然为0，而变压器铁心中的磁通量不能突变，因此，变压器次级线圈回路中的电流i2一定正好等于控制开关K接通期间的电流i2(Ton+)，与变压器初级线圈回路中励磁电流被折算到变压器次级线圈回路电流之和。所以(1-65)式可以写为： (1-66)式中，括弧中的第一项表示变压器次级线圈回路中的电流，第二项表示变压器初级线圈回路中励磁电流被折算到变压器次级线圈回路的电流。图1-16-a单激式变压器开关电源输出电压uo等于： (1-68)式中的Up-就是反击式输出电压的峰值，或输出电压最大值。由此可知，在控制开关K关断瞬间，当变压器次级线圈回路负载开路时，变压器次级线圈回路会产生非常高的反电动势。理论上需要时间t等于无限大时，变压器次级线圈回路输出电压才为0，但这种情况一般不会发生，因为控制开关K的关断时间等不了那么长。从(1-63)和(1-67)式可以看出，开关电源变压器的工作原理与普通变压器的工作原理是不一样的。当开关电源工作于正激时，开关电源变压器的工作原理与普通变压器的工作原理基本相同;当开关电源工作于反激时，开关电源变压器的工作原理相当于一个储能电感。如果我们把输出电压uo的正、负半波分别用平均值Upa、Upa-来表示，则有：分别对(1-71)和(1-72)两式进行积分得：由此我们可以求得，单激式变压器开关电源输出电压正半波的面积与负半波的面积完全相等，即： Upa×Ton = Upa-×Toff —— 一个周期内单激式输出 (1-75) (1-75)式就是用来计算单激式变压器开关电源输出电压半波平均值Upa和Upa-的表达式。

开关电源中变压器的八种检测方法

开关电源中变压器的八种检测方法 1、通过观察变压器的外貌来检查其是否有明显异常现象。如线圈引线是否断裂、脱焊、绝缘材料是否有烧焦痕迹、铁心紧固螺杆是否有松动、硅钢片有无锈蚀、绕组线圈是否有外露等。 2、绝缘性测试。用万用表R×10k挡分别测量铁心与初级，初级与各次级、铁心与各次级、静电屏蔽层与衩次级、次级各绕组间的电阻值，万用表指针均应指在无穷大位置不动。否则，说明变压器绝缘性能不良。 3、线圈通断的检测。将万用表置于R×1挡，测试中，若某个绕组的电阻值为无穷大，则说明此绕组有断路性故障。 4、判别初、次级线圈。电源变压器初级引脚和次级引脚一般都是分别从两侧引出的，并且初级绕组多标有220V字样，次级绕组则标出额定电压值，如 15V、24V、35V等。再根据这些标记进行识别。 5、空载电流的检测。 a、直接测量法。将次级所有绕组全部开路，把万用表置于交流电流挡 (500mA，串入初级绕组。当初级绕组的插头插入220V交流市电时，万用表所指示的便是空载电流值。此值不应大于变压器满载电流的10%～20%。一般常见电子设备电源变压器的正常空载电流应在100mA左右。如果超出太多，则说明变压器有短路性故障。 b、间接测量法。在变压器的初级绕组中串联一个10？/5W的电阻，次级仍全部空载。把万用表拨至交流电压挡。加电后，用两表笔测出电阻R两端的电压降U，然后用欧姆定律算出空载电流I空，即I空=U/R。F？空载电压的检测。将电源变压器的初级接220V市电，用万用表交流电压接依次测出各绕组的空载电压值(U21、U22、U23、U24)应符合要求值，允许误差范围一般为：高压绕组 ≤±10%，低压绕组≤±5%，带中心抽头的两组对称绕组的电压差应≤±2%。 6、一般小功率电源变压器允许温升为40℃～50℃，如果所用绝缘材料质量较好，允许温升还可提高。 7、检测判别各绕组的同名端。在使用电源变压器时，有时为了得到所需的次级电压，可将两个或多个次级绕组串联起来使用。采用串联法使用电源变压

开关电源高频变压器计算设计

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开关电源中高频变压器绕制心得

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开关电源中变压器的Saber仿真辅助设计一：反激

经常在论坛上看到变压器设计求助，包括：计算公式，优化方法，变压器损耗，变压器饱和，多大的变压器合适啊？其实，只要我们学会了用Saber这个软件，上述问题多半能够获得相当满意的解决。一、 Saber在变压器辅助设计中的优势： 1、由于Saber相当适合仿真电源，因此对电源中的变压器营造的工作环境相当真实，变压器不是孤立地被防真，而是与整个电源主电路的联合运行防真。主要功率级指标是相当接近真实的，细节也可以被充分体现。 2、Saber的磁性材料是建立在物理模型基础之上的，能够比较真实的反映材料在复杂电气环境中的表现，从而可以使我们得到诸如气隙的精确开度、抗饱和安全余量、磁损这样一些用平常手段很难获得的宝贵设计参数。 3、作为一种高性能通用仿真软件，Saber并不只是针对个别电路才奏效，实际上，电力电子领域所有电路拓扑中的变压器、电感元件，我们都可以把他们置于真实电路的仿真环境中来求解。从而放弃大部分繁杂的计算工作量，极大地加快设计进程，并获得比手工计算更加合理的设计参数。 4、由于变压器是置于真实电路的仿真环境中求解的，所有与变压器有关的电路和器件均能够被联合仿真，对变压器的仿真实际上成了对主电路的仿真，从而不仅能够获得变压器的设计参数，还同时获得整个电路的运行参数以及主要器件的最佳设计参数。二、 Saber 中的变压器我们用得上的 Saber 中的变压器是这些：（实际上是我只会用这些）分别是：

xfrl 线性变压器模型，2~6绕组xfrnl 非线性变压器模型，2~6绕组单绕组的就是电感模型：也分线性和非线性2种线性变压器参数设置（以2绕组为例）：其中： lp 初级电感量 ls 次级电感量

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AP表示磁心有效截面积与窗口面积的乘积。计算公式为 AP=AwAe 式中，AP的单位是cm4；Aw为磁心可绕导线的窗口面积(cm2) Ae为磁心有效截面积(cm2)，Ae≈Sj=CD，Sj为磁心几何尺寸的截面积，C 为舌宽，D为磁心厚度。根据计算出的AP值，即可查表找出所需磁心型号。下面介绍将AP法用于开关电源高频变压器设计时的公式推导及验证方法。 1 高频变压器电路的波形参数分析开关电源的电压及电流波形比较复杂，既有输入正弦波、半波或全波整流波，又有矩形波(PWM波形)、锯齿波(不连续电流模式的一次侧电流波形)、梯形波(连续电流模式的一次侧电流波形)等。高频变压器电路中有3个波形参数：波形系数(Kf)，波形因数(kf)，波峰因数(kP)。 1)波形系数Kf 为便于分析，在不考虑铜损的情况下给高频变压器的输入端施加交变的正弦电流，在一次、二次绕组中就会产生感应电动势e。根据法拉第电磁感应定律，e=dΦ／dt=d( NABsinωt)／dt=NABoωcosωt其中N为绕组匝数，A为变压器磁心的截面积，B为交变电流产生的磁感应强度，角频率ω=2Πf。正弦波的电压有效值为

在开关电源中定义正弦波的波形系数Kf=

√2*Π=4.44利用傅里叶级数不难求出方波的波形系数。 2)波形因数kf 为便于对方波、矩形波、三角波、锯齿波、梯形波等周期性非正弦波形进行分析，需要引入波形因数的概念。在电子测量领域定义的波形因数与开关电源波形系数的定义有所不同，它表示有效值电压压(URMS)与平均值电压之比，为便于和Kf区分，这里用小写的kf表示，有公式以正弦波为例，这表明，Kf=4kf，二者相差4倍。开关电源6种常见波形的参数见表1。因方波和梯形波的平均值为零，故改用电压均绝值来代替。对于矩形波，表示脉冲宽度，丁表示周期，占空比D=t／T。

开关电源中变压器及电感设计3

7.1.8 ?? ???? ?催?? ? ?? ?????? ? ? ?乥??催??? ? ? ??? ?? ? ? ?? ? ?? ?乬? ˊ ? ? ? ??? ?? 5V???1V ?? ? ??? ?5V? ?? ? 1 2 ???? ? 1 2 ???? 1.5 ? ?? 2 ?? ? ?? ? 25??? ??? に ?? ?に Ё??? ? ? ??? ? ?? ?? П?? 1 ????Ё??? 1/3??? ? ? ? ???? ??? ??? ??? ? ? ??? ??? ?佪 ? 乱 U i D ? ? ? ?? П??? ?? ?? ? ?? ?? ? ??? ???? ? ? ???? ? ??? ?? ?? ? ? ? ? ? ?? ?? ? ???? ?? ???? ????г ? ? ? ?? ?? ? ?? ?? ? ?? ?? ??? ? ?? ? ? ? 乏? ? ???? ??? ? ? ? ?? ?? ??? 12V 5V?? ? 2.5:1? 5V???2 ?12V?5 ?? 5V???1 ??М12V??? ?3 ????? ? ????乬 ?? ?? ? ?催? ?? ?? ???? ??? 有 ?? ?〇 ? ?? ???? ?? ? ?? ? ?? ? ??? ? ??? ????? ? ???? 1.2~1.8V? ?乥? 100kHz?? ??? ? ? ?? 1 ? ?1 ??? ? ? ?? ?? ? ?? ? ?? ? ???????? ????有?? ?? ? ?? ? 有 ? ?? ? ??? ?? 〇 ??? ??? ?? ?? ?? ? ?? ??? ? ?? ? ? ? ??????? ? ?? ?1? ? ? ?? ?U? Ё ??N ? ?? ?? ? ??? ? 'BA T U N e on (7-2) ЁT onˉU ? ?? ?(s)? A eˉ??Ё ??(m2)? Bˉ T on ???Ё?? ??T?? E ?????? ???ㄝ? ㄝ?Ё ???? ???? ? 7-1? ?E ??? ? 1(a)ЁA?? ?Ё ? ???? ? 1(a)ЁB?? ?āXā???? ? ? ?( 1(b)ЁA?B?C)?? ?? ?? ? ? ? ? ?? 7-1(a)? A? ?? ?? ? ??? Ё ?? ???? ?? ? ? U B T A F on e ' 2 (7-3)

开关电源变压器解析,如何判断开关电源变压器的好坏

开关电源变压器解析，如何判断开关电源变压器的好坏开关电源变压器是加入了开关管的电源变压器，在电路中除了普通变压器的电压变换功能，还兼具绝缘隔离与功率传送功能一般用在开关电源等涉及高频电路的场合。开关电源变压器和开关管一起构成一个自激（或他激）式的间歇振荡器，从而把输入直流电压调制成一个高频脉冲电压。起到能量传递和转换作用。在反激式电路中，当开关管导通时，变压器把电能转换成磁场能储存起来，当开关管截止时则释放出来。在正激式电路中，当开关管导通时，输入电压直接向负载供给并把能量储存在储能电感中。当开关管截止时，再由储能电感进行续流向负载传递。把输入的直流电压转换成所需的各种低压。开关电源变压器的基本组成：开关电源变压器的主要材料：磁性材料，导线材料和绝缘材料是开关变压器的核心。磁性材料：开关变压器使用的磁性材料为软磁铁氧体，按其成分和应用频率可分为MnZn 系和NiZn系两大类。前者具有高的导磁率和高的饱和磁感应，在中频和低频范围具有较低损耗。磁芯的形状很多，如EI型，E型，EC型等导线材料漆包线：一般用于绕制小型电子变压器的漆包线有高强度聚酯漆包线（QZ）和聚氨酯漆包线（QA）两种。根据漆层厚度分为1型（薄漆型）和2型（厚漆型）两种。前者的绝缘涂层为聚酯漆，具有优越的耐热性，绝缘性抗电强度可达60kv/mm;后者绝缘层为聚氨酯漆，具有自粘性强，有自焊性能（380℃），可不用去漆膜就可直接焊接压敏胶带：绝缘胶带抗电强度高，使用方便机械性能好，被广泛应用在开关变压器线圈的层间，组间绝缘和外包绝缘。必须达到下列要求：粘性好，抗剥离，具有一定的拉伸强度，绝缘性能好，耐压性能好，阻燃和耐高温骨架材料：开关变压器骨架与一般的变压器骨架不同，除了作为线圈的绝缘与支撑材料外，还承担了整个变压器的安装固定和定位的作用，因此制作骨架的材料除了满足绝缘要求

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功率铁氧体磁芯常用功率铁氧体材料牌号技术参数 EI型磁芯规格及参数 PQ型磁芯规格及参数

EE型磁芯规格及参数 EC、EER型磁芯规格及参数

1,磁芯向有效截面积：Ae 2,磁芯向有效磁路长度：le 3,相对幅值磁导率：μa 4,饱和磁通密度：Bs 1磁芯：正弦波与矩形波比较一般情况下，磁芯损耗曲线是按正弦波+/-交流(AC)激励绘制的，在标准的和正常的时候，是不提供极大值曲线的。涉及到开关电源电路设计的一个共同问题是正弦波和矩形波激励的磁芯损耗的关系。对于高电阻率的如类似，正弦波和矩形波产生的损耗几乎是相等的，但矩形波的损耗稍微小一些。材料中存在高的涡流损耗（如大一般情况下，具有矩形波的磁芯损耗比具有正弦波的磁芯损耗低一些。但在元件存在铜损的情况下，这是不正确的。在变压器中，用矩形波激励时的铜损远远大于用正弦波激励时的铜损。高频元件的损耗在铜损方面显得更多，集肤效应损耗比矩形波激励磁芯的损耗给人们的印象更深刻。举个例子，在 20kHz、用17#美国线规导线的绕组时，矩形波激励的磁芯损耗几乎是正弦波激励磁芯损耗的两倍。例如，对于许多开关电源来说，具有矩形波激励磁芯的 5V、20A和30A输出的电源，必须采用多股绞线或利兹(Litz)线绕制线圈，不能使用粗的单股导线。 2Q值曲线所有磁性材料制造厂商公布的Q值曲线都是低损耗滤波器用材料的典型曲线。这些测试参数通常是用置于磁芯上的最适用的绕组完成的。对于罐形磁芯，Q值曲线指出了用作生成曲线时的绕组匝数和导线尺寸，导线是常用的利兹线，并且绕满在线圈骨架上。对于钼坡莫合金磁粉芯同样是正确的。用最适合的绕组，并且导线绕满了磁芯窗口时测试，则Q值曲线是标准的。Q值曲线是在典型值为5高斯或更低的低交流(AC)激励电平下测量得出的。由于在磁通密度越高时磁芯的损耗越大，故人们警告，在滤波电感器工作在高磁通密度时，磁芯的Q值是较低的。3电感量、AL系数和在正常情况下，磁芯制造厂商会发布电感器和滤波器磁芯的AL系数、电感量和磁导率等参数。这些AL的极限值建立在初始磁导率范围或者低磁通密度的基础上。对于测试AL系数，这是很重要的，测试AL系数是在低磁通密度下实施的。某些质量管理引入检验部门，希望由他们用几匝绕组检查磁芯，并用不能控制频率或激励电压的数字电桥测试磁芯。几乎毫不例外，以几百高斯、若干千高斯(kG)、甚至使磁芯饱和的磁通密度的电压激励磁芯时，该电桥是平衡的。使用这些存在很少匝数的电桥对不开气隙的磁芯进行初始磁导率测量是不合适的。另外一种现象发生在测量低磁导率磁芯，诸如测量具有很少匝数的钼磁芯时，在很低电感量（如1mH或更低）时，即不再应用AL的方程式。由于邻近的

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