奥巴马2016年国情咨文双语打印版

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：

Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.

今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。我将尽量简而言之。我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。

I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.

我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。但是，议长先生，您以及其他领导人去年年末通过了建设性的预算决议，使得工薪家庭减税计划能够长久实施下去，我对此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年两党能够在一些重要事务上同心协作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，帮助那些与处方药滥用行为抗争的人们。我们很可能会让质疑者们再次大吃一惊。

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep

pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.

但在今晚，我打算少谈些像往年那样的发展计划。别担心，我还是有很多计划要谈，比如，帮助学生学习编写计算机代码，以及对病人进行个性化治疗。我将继续推动这些未竟事业的进步。完善有漏洞的移民体系。保护我们的孩子们免遭枪械暴力。继续推行同工同酬及带薪休假，并提高最低工资水平。所有的这一切对于努力工作的家庭们来说依然至关重要；这些仍是我们要做的对的事情。我绝不会放松这些工作，直至他们完成为止。

But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.

但这是我最后一次在此发表讲话，我不想只谈论来年的事宜。我想关注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久远的事情。

I want to focus on our future.

我更关注我们的未来。

We live in a time of extraordinary change –change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that

can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.

我们生活在一个充满巨变的时代，这场巨变改变了我们的生活、工作方式，改变了我们的星球和我们在世界上的地位。这种巨变预示着医学将出现重大突破，也会带来困扰着工薪家庭的经济动荡。它为生活在边远山区的女孩们带去教育的希望，却也使远距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一气策划阴谋。这场巨变能够带来机遇，也会扩大不公。无论我们喜欢与否，这场巨变的进度只会越来越快。

America has been through big changes before –wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did –because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril –we emerged stronger and better than before.

美国曾经历过种种巨变——战争，萧条，移民涌入，工人运动，以及民权运动。每一次，总有人告诉我们要畏惧未来。每当美国受到某些组织或者言论威胁，将要失控，这些人就告诉我们要停止变革，并承诺恢复往日的辉煌。但每一次，我们都能够克服恐惧。用林肯的话来说，我们并未遵循“平静的过去时代的信条”。相反地，我们能够用新的思

维思考，以新的方式行事。我们巧妙地利用变化，始终将美国的潜力扩展至更广阔的前沿，惠及更多的民众。正缘于此——因为他人眼中的风险在我们看来是机遇——我们变得比以前更强更好。

What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation –our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law –these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.

过去的真理，现在亦未曾改变。我们的乐观主义与职业道德，我们的发现与创新精神，我们种族多样化和法治信条，这些都是我们作为一个国家所拥有的独一无二的优点，使我们具备了世代繁荣昌盛、国泰民安的一切条件。

In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.

事实上，正因有了这种精神力量，我们过去七年才可能取得进步。它使我们得以从几代以来最严重的经济危机中恢复；是我们改革医疗体系、改造能源部门的动力；保证了我们给予军人和老兵更多关心和福利。也正因为此，我们能够让每个州的人都获得了与所爱的人结婚的自由。

But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people?

Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?

但是，这些进步并不是注定会发生的，而是我们共同选择的结果。我们当下正面临着这样的选择。面对时代的变化，我们是将以恐惧对之，闭门造车，各自为战？还是自我肯定，坚持立场，相信我们能共创奇迹？

So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer –regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.

让我们先来谈谈未来，以及美国需要回答的四个大问题——无论下一届美国总统是谁，无论哪个党派掌控国会。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?

首先，我们如何在新经济中给每个人公平的机会和保障？

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us –especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

第二，我们如何让技术为我们服务，而不是与我们对抗——尤其是面临气候变化这样急需应对的挑战的时候？

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

第三，我们如何保障美国的安全，同时，在不充当世界警察的前提下，引领整个世界？

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?

最后，我们如何制定政策，使其反映出美国的好，而不是美国的恶？

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.

我先说说经济，基本的事实是这样的：现在，在全球范围内，美国经济是最为强大且坚固的。纵观历史，我们现在处于私营部门连续创造就业机会最长的一段时期中。我们创造了逾1400万个新的就业岗位；这是自20世纪90年代以来就业增长最为强劲的两年；失业率下降了一半。汽车行业也创造了最辉煌的一年。在过去的六年里，制造业创造了将近90万个新的就业岗位。而且，我们在取得这些成绩的同时，还将赤字减少了近四分之三。

Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true –and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious –is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face

tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.

任何声称美国经济正在衰落的说法都是在传播虚构事实。实际情况——同时也是许多美国人感到焦虑的原因——是美国经济正在经历巨大变革，而且这变革早在大萧条发生之前就已经开始，到现在还没有结束。今天，能够被高科技取代的工作岗位并不仅限于生产线，还包括任何可以实现自动化的岗位。在经济全球化中，公司可以落户于世界任何地方，也会面临更加激烈的竞争。其结果是，雇员要求加薪的筹码变少。公司对其所在群体的忠诚度更低。同时，越来越多的财富和收入积聚到社会顶层阶级手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.

这些变化趋势挤压了雇员的生存空间，即使他们拥有工作，即使美国经济一直在增长。工薪家庭想要通过努力工作，摆脱贫困，年轻人想要开创自己的事业，雇员想要适时退休，都已经不太容易。虽然面临这些变革的不只有美国，但是这些的确违背了独有的美国式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都应当得到公平待遇。

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are

some areas where Americans broadly agree.

在过去的七年中，我们的目标一直都是，保持经济增长，以造福每一个人。我们已经取得了一些进步。但是，我们需要继续努力。尽管在过去的一些年中，我们有过许多政治上的争论，但是在一些领域，我们取得了普遍的共识。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.

我们一致认为，真正的机会在于每一个美国人都能获得能够必要的教育及培训，让他们能够胜任一份收入理想的工作。“不让一个孩子掉队”的两党改革政策，就是一个重要的开端，同时，我们加强了儿童早期教育，进一步提高了高中毕业率，使工程学等专业毕业生得以增长。未来，我们要以这些成绩为基础，通过普及全民早教，让所有学生都接受计算机实践和数学课程培训，为他们将来步入职场做好准备。同时，我们要为孩子们招录更多优秀的教师，并给予这些教师更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost

for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.

同时，我们要让每个美国人都能上得起大学。因为，勤奋的学生不应该因为贫困被挡在校门之外。我们已经将助学贷款的还款额降至借款人收入的10%。接下来，我们需要降低大学费用。两年制的社区大学将为每一位有责任感的学生提供免费教育，这是降低大学费用最理想的方式之一。我会不断努力让这个方案在今年启动。

Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.

当然，在新经济中，我们所需要的不仅仅是优质的教育。我们还需要能够提供基本生活保障的福利和保护措施。如果说在座的各位，是美国为数不多的能够在同一个地方从事同一份工作30年，还能获得健康和养老保障的人，也不算夸张。而对于其他人，特别是四五十岁的美国人来说，为退休后的生存点钱或是在失业后重振旗鼓，已经越来越困难。大家都认识到，在他们职业生涯的某个时刻，他们不得不重新接受培训，重新学习技能。但是，他们不应当失去他们这么多年辛勤工作所获得的东西。

That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.

这也是社会保障及医疗保险制度在今天尤为重要的原因；它们不该被弱化，而应进一步加强。对于退休年龄较晚的美国人，基本福利应与当今的其他事物一样尽可能移动化。这就是《平价医疗法案》的意义所在，这个法案旨在填补基于雇主的医疗保险系统的空缺，我们失业、返校求学或创业时，依然能享受医疗保障。目前为止，已有近1800万人受益。医疗费用通胀也有所缓解。自法案实施起，我们的企业每个月都能创造新的工作岗位。

Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job –we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the

new economy work better for everyone.

我想我们在短期内还无法就医疗保险制度达成共识。但两党可以在改进经济保障制度的问题上采取一些新的措施。假设一位辛勤工作的美国人丢了工作，我们不该仅仅确保他能获得失业保险，而应确保这个制度能够支持他接受再培训以胜任新的工作。如果这份新工作的报酬不如上一份工作，那么就该有薪酬保障制度保证他能养活自己。即使他一直在换工作，也还能为退休储蓄并能支配自己的积蓄。这就是我们让大家更好地受益于新经济的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.

我知道国会众议院发言人保罗?瑞恩提到过他对解决贫困问题的看法。美国是一个会给每个愿意工作的人机会的国家，我欢迎大家提出可行性战略，如为无子女低收入人群减税的方案。

But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years –namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.

但在过去七年里还有其他难以达成一致的领域，比如，政府应该扮演怎样的角色，才能保证制度不向最富有的财团和大公司倾斜。在此，美国人民需要做出选择。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that

needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over

long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.

蓬勃发展的私营经济是我们国家经济的命脉。我认为，其有些过时的规则需要改变，有些繁文缛节需要摒弃。在企业连续多年利润破纪录之后，如果让大银行、石油巨头或对冲基金制定只对自己有利的规则，或者允许对集体谈判的攻击置之不理，工薪阶层就无法获得更多机会和更多薪水。引发经济危机的不是那些领食物券的人，而是华尔街那些鲁莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻碍薪酬上涨的原因；那些决议是由董事会的人提出的，他们经常将季度分红看得比长期回报还重。可以肯定的是，正在看我演讲的普通家庭不会通过离岸账户避税。在新经济的形势下，工人、新兴企业和小型企业需要更多发言权。

规则应该使他们受益。今年，我计划激励那些善待工人的企业，这些企业明白只有善待工人才能让股东、顾客和所在群体最终受益，这样我们才能在全美推行这种良策。

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

事实上，我们有许多优秀的企业公民都是极富创造力的。这也是美国要回答的第二个大问题：如何重燃创新精神，迎接重大挑战？

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.

六十年前，俄罗斯人发射人造卫星，在太空领域领先于我们，这点我们并未否认。我们没有就科学水平进行争论，或缩减我们的研发预算。我们在很短的时间内制定了太空计划，十二年后，我们已经能在月球上行走。

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.

探索精神存在于我们的基因里。我们是托马斯?爱迪生、怀特兄弟、乔治?华盛顿?卡弗。

我们是葛丽丝?霍普、凯瑟琳?约翰逊、莎莉?莱德。我们是从波士顿到奥斯丁再到硅谷的移民和企业家，我们力求建设更美好的世界。过去七年里，我们一直在培养这种精神。We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.

我们保护了开放的互联网，我们迈出了大胆的一大步，让更多学生和低收入者加入互联网这个大家庭。我们已经开始建设新一代制造业中心，我们的网络工具让企业家在一天内就能获得创立一个企业所需的一切。

But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.

但是，我们能做的还不止这些。去年，副总统拜登曾说，要把治愈癌症作为一项新的登月计划去实现。上个月，他与国会通力合作，为国立卫生研究院的科学家们提供了大量资源，这是10多年来科学家们获得的最强有力的资源支持。今晚我宣布，我们将举全国之力促成这项新计划。在过去的40年里，乔为我们在众多问题上竭尽心力，因此，

我任命他主管这一抗癌计划。为了我们已逝去的亲人，为了我们还能拯救的家庭，我们应该携手，让美国成为一个彻底攻克癌症的国家。

Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.

医学研究是重中之重。在发展清洁能源的问题上，我们同样需要全力以赴。

Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.

如果你还要质疑我们针对气候变化进行的科学研究，你可以试试。你会发现自己孤立无援，因为站在你对面的是我们的军方、绝大多数美国商业领袖、大多数美国民众、几乎整个科学界，以及全世界200个国家，这些国家都意识到了问题的严重性，想要着手解决它。

But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record –until 2015 turned out even hotter –why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

就算我们的星球还没到岌岌可危的地步，2014年也并非史上最热的一年（因为2015年更热），我们为什么要放弃让美国企业生产并销售未来能源的大好机会呢？