Spais and Konstantinakos Future of ―Perceived Body Aesthetics ‖ in the Sport Marketing L

Spais and Konstantinakos / Future of ―Perceived Body Aesthetics‖ in the Sport Marketing Literature Scholarly Research and the Future of “Perceived Body Aesthetics”

in the Sport Marketing Literature

George S. Spais

University of Peloponnese, Greece

Pantelis D. Konstantinakos

University of Peloponnese, Greece

George S. Spais is an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Marketing at University of Peloponnese, Department of Sport Management, Lysandrou 3 str. 23100 Sparti, Greece, tel.0030-27310-89.664, gspais@uop.gr Pantelis D. Konstantinakos is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at University of Peloponnese, Department of Sport Management, Lysandrou 3 str. 23100 Sparti, Greece, tel.0030-27310-89.671, pkon@uop.gr. The authors would like to thank warmly the editor-in-chief of AMSR Dr. Gentry, the Regional Editor (for Europe) Dr. McDonagh and the two anonymous reviewers for their contributory comments and review work.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Based on the most recent definitions about aesthetics, we have tried to understand that body image concerns from the standpoint of perceived body aesthetics, rather than body aesthetics, may be a more productive and inclusive approach to the study of socially and culturally diverse young customers of sporting goods because not only socially and culturally diverse individuals don‘t adopt and imitate the same body ideals but each individual develops a totally unique system of perceptions regarding to body aesthetics. Such a conceptualization raises the notion of the ―consumption of symbolic meaning‖ and has a direct impact in targeting and marketing communications planning of sporting organizations, where young customers of sporting goods becoming ―active.‖Based on the conceptualization of ―perceived body aesthetics,‖through the literature review we aimed to identify the factors that can influence an individual‘s body image attitudes and individual‘s body dissatisfaction and how this influence can be measured empirically, in order to be leaded to a better understanding of the construct of perceived body aesthetics in the sport marketing context. This discussion paper ended with some interesting implications in a research, managerial and policy-making level.

Keywords: sport marketing, perceived body aesthetics, body image, body ideal, consumer research

Scholarly Research and the Future of “Perceived Body Aesthetics”

in the Sport Marketing Literature

INTRODUCTION

The cultural implications of body aesthetics are prominent in every culture and have a strong influence on the way men and women are perceived. Across the world, different cultural perceptions uphold an ideal of beauty that is linked to sexual appeal and social status. In this paper, we will outline some socio-cultural behavioral descriptors that influence perceived body aesthetics. In particular, we will focus on providing a better understanding of the construct of perceived body aesthetics in the marketing literature. This discussion will incorporate a series of empirical evidence that will confirm the need of reframing the construct of body aesthetics and to confirm that body ideals are different among cultures. We will try to understand that body image concerns from the standpoint of perceived body aesthetics, rather than body aesthetics, may be a more productive and inclusive approach to the study of socially and culturally diverse young customers of sporting goods. The discussion will end with interesting implications for policy-makers and sport marketing scholars.

Body dissatisfaction is important because of its established association (e.g., Silverstein and Perlik 1995) with depression, low self-esteem, and disordered eating. Much of the research on body dissatisfaction and particularly research on disordered eating, has focused on the effect of the extremely slender ideal female body types found in Western Europe and North America. By the late 1960s, the voluptuous "sweater girls" of the 1940s and 1950s had been replaced by very slender, almost boy-like, fashion models (Lamb et al. 1993). Objective measures of cultural beauty ideals such as Playboy centerfolds and beauty pageant winners have confirmed this trend (Garner et al. 1980; Morris, Cooper and Cooper 1989; Wiseman et al. 1992). As many authors have noted (e.g. Garner et al. 1980; Rodin, Silberstein and Striegel-Moore 1984), for most women this extremely slender body type is both unhealthy and unobtainable. It is thus not surprising that adoption of the thin body ideal has been paralleled by women's decreasing satisfaction with their bodies (Feingold and Mazzella 1998).As Brumberg (1997) and many others have noted, it seems paradoxical that at the very time when social changes have greatly increased available roles and opportunities for women, social expectations of female body types have become increasingly rigid and unrealistic, deviations from these expectations have produced increasingly negative social reactions and self-evaluations, and large numbers, probably the majority, of young Western women have learned to judge their bodies by unhealthy, unrealistic, and unobtainable standards.

The rapid decline of socialism and the adoption of market economies have produced enormous social and political changes in Eastern Europe. Some authors have argued that the socialist system, with its emphases on egalitarianism, rejection of traditional views of femininity, and lack of objectification of female bodies, protected women from excessive concerns with physical appearance, the tyranny of the thin body ideal, and disordered eating (Catina, Boyadjieva and Bergner 1996;Catina and Joja 2001; Silverstein and Perlik, 1995). Even if this assessment is correct, these protections were lost with the decline of the socialist system and the development of market economies. It seems very likely that the loss of these protections, combined with the enormous social and economic stresses associated with the rapid introduction of Western values and the rapidly changing roles of women, have contributed to the marked increase in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating in eastern Europe (Bilukha and Utermohlen 2002; Catina and Joja 2001;Papezova 2002;Rathner 2001). New visual media and technologies, infotainment, virtual reality, corporate image-projection, video games, internet voyeurism and many other developments all in their own ways reinforced the importance of appearances in things and attractiveness

in persons. Institutions that have traditionally aimed to subordinate appearances, such as the church and the university, are scrambling to adapt to a generation with historically unprecedented visual receptivity. We believe that we need to look critically at lookism. In our society, aesthetic capital, like other kinds of capital, is unequally distributed. Due to our increasing sensitivity to discrimination, it is gaining status as a discussable issue in public policy, which we will review in the Discussion section.

Consumer Researcher and the Body

The strong silence in the field of consumer behavior concerning the body, (despite the historical role the body has played in marketing practice), is contrasted by the impressive force with which it consumes the attention of scholars in various other fields; cultural studies, social history, literary criticism, phenomenology, feminism, postmodernism and post-structuralism, and media studies (Bordo 1003; Featherstone 1991; Foucault 1979). Although there are no specific causallinks between these various academic discourses, there seem to be many common philosophical threads running through them. One has to wonder why, lately, so much attention has been directed towards the body and consumer culture in these disciplines, for in the popular mind, this is not the stuff that these disciplines are made of. One possible reason is the realization that consumer culture cannot be separated from the broader manifestations of culture at large and, in fact, is integral to it. There has been a growing tendency in recent years to unite high and low cultures, and to regard everyday practices that circumscribe the low culture as providing a key to a true and complete understanding of the culture in its entirety. In this regard, the burgeoning literature on ―human body,‖ originally the site of low culture, has become central to postmodernist, poststructuralist, and feminist discourses on the mind-body relationship and to the cultural constructions of human body (Frank 1990).

An examination of the recent literature suggests that the female body, which historically was dismissed as a benign preoccupation of market culture, has entered the realm of feminist critique (Jaggar and Bordo 1989). By all accounts, the female body has been indispensable to the growth of market culture (Odih 2000; Sayre 2000). In the ―real-world‖ of marketing practices, the inscription of the body on consumerist ethos has been compelling. With the emergence of televisual culture (e.g. MTV), there has been further objectification and glorification of the human body in the electronic media (Elliott and Elliott 2005). Kaplan (1987) examines the relevant issues under the socially constructed category of ―gaze‖ in media culture. Very few consumer products are sold without at least an allusion to the human body. Looking around us, we see the full force of marketing linking the body to numerous products and services - perfumes, fashion, clothing, dining, all kinds of sensual and pleasurable objects, exercise machines, fitness centers, dietary products, cosmetic surgical procedures and the like. One wonders whether marketing/consumer culture could survive without the millions of dollars spent annually promoting body culture and on products and services, whose images fill countless advertising pages. In both traditional and modern cultures, the human body generally has been regarded with a certain awe and respect, but only in modern industrial cultures has the body been exploited with full-scale vigor (Feher 1989; Gallagher and Laqueur 1987). The body is acted upon in so many ways - clothed, shaped, painted with lotions and creams, and loathed if it does not meet the aesthetic norms of commodity culture. Marketing and consumer practices in the last half a century have derived considerable economic benefits by positioning the human body as the piece of resistance of consumer culture (Featherstone 1991; Joy and Venkatesh 1994). While academic consumer researchers were ignoring the body completely, the marketing industry was making billions of dollars by selling products closely tied to it and, ultimately, by selling the body itself as the central concept of contemporary life. This relentless marketing activism has produced a consumer culture so dominated by body culture that bodily images have become the most visible of all objects as well as the instruments of current commodification. In other words, what was invisible to academic researchers was always the most visible tool of market culture.

It seems, though, body aesthetics is also defined by cultural constructs that have changed throughout time. Ideal beauty varies in different societies around the world. Western culture at this time has embraced the fashion model as an exemplar - greatly because we are constantly inundated with these images, which are ironically far from the norm. We find beauty in familiar physical traits, particularly those images portrayed in the media. Just looking at a fashion magazine tends to leave men and women less satisfied with their weight and size.

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: The Concept of Body in Consumer Research

An overview

Society places an immense emphasis on body image: so much so that body image plays an important role in nearly every human activity. Body image is a multidimensional construct, that involves internal biological and psychological factors as well as external cultural and social factors (Cash and Pruzinsky 1990; Geller et al. 2000; Petersen et al. 1984) and it has been established as an important aspect of self-worth and mental health across the life span (Harter 1988, 1998, 1999). Several studies have demonstrated that body image as well as overall satisfaction with self undergoes change during adolescence years (Fabian and Thompson, 1989; Thompson et al. 1999), partially in response to bodily changes associated with puberty. A negative self-evaluation during this time of developmental transition for young females often leads to body dissatisfaction and low self-esteem, as well as to increased incidents of depressive reactions and to eating-disordered behaviors (Ackard and Peterson 2001; Button et al. 1997; Davies and Furnham 1986; Petersen, Sarigiani and Kennedy 1991).

In the following sections, we review the literature on the body as a metaphor and the postmodern view of the concept of the body, in order to be leaded to the conceptual framework of the ―perceived body aesthetics‖ construct.

Metaphors we live by

Within the social sciences as a whole, the body as metaphor has manifested itself in many ways. Terms such as ―the cosmic body,‖―the body politic,‖―the social body,‖ and―the body of believers‖ are used to emphasize the contours of the disciplinary thought in the social sciences. In art, the human body is the representation of nature, truth, and the sublime. In consumer behavior, the term ―consumption‖ itself presupposes the body (Firat 1991; Solomon 2006) and Gentry, Commuri and Jun (2003) have argued that it is also gendered. In consumer research, until recently, consumption, has been viewed merely as purchase behavior that is, a disembodied phenomenon, and this interpretation has had a direct bearing on the marginalization of feminine perspectives (Solomon 2006). The machine metaphor, a derivative of Enlightenment philosophy that has been pervasive in consumer research, was also based on the belief that human endeavors could be modeled after the functions of the machine (an inanimate body). Such a metaphor was apropos, given the pervasive mechanization of society. Even the advances in medicine have tended to reinforce the mechanistic, dualistic and reductionistic constructions of the body (Synnott 1993). According to Thompson, Locander and Pollio (1989), the machine metaphor, borrowed from theories in cognitive psychology, is probably the most prominent theme in consumer research and likens humans to information-processing devices. The dominance of the machine metaphor is also evidence of the silence regarding the body in consumer research. We argue that we study consumption, typically an activity associated with the animate body, yet we shape our thinking with metaphors that portray consumers as inanimate machines. Thompson, Locander and Pollio (1989, p. 134) note that the manifestations of such assumptions take the form of methodological prescriptions in consumer research - the use of and causal laws for enacting social practice. Marxists, argues Hirschman (1993), have been extremely critical of the machine metaphor because it represents the dominance of labor by capital. Feminists likewise have

rejected this particular metaphor, because it values technological production over human reproduction. Machines act but do not feel. The machine metaphor has become so pervasive that we no longer liken people to computers but think of them as computers and evaluate their performance based on mechanical strength.

The Cartesian dualism of mind/body distinctions also gave rise to other metaphors of the body that privileged the mind over the body, such as ―homoeconomicus.‖ The u se of such a metaphor creates a particular textual reality that appears to be fixed. Homoeconomicus forces us to think of human consumption behavior as primarily economic in character and eliminates consideration of other aspects of consumption, such as hedonism or symbolism. Maximization of gain and rationality have come to be regarded the cornerstones of economic activity. Even when consumers have been discussed in a context such as information processing, they have been regarded as rational problem solvers who carefully consider the objective features and functional benefits of products and services. The use of such a metaphor based on rationality brings to prominence the mind-body dualism that privileges the mind and cognitive activity over the body and emotional or physical labor (Bristor and Fischer 1993). As Hirschman (1993, p. 545) observes, from a marxist and/or feminist perspective, such ideology is distorted and incomplete, because it excludes all other forms of social behavior other than contractual relationships. The rational economic model of consumption has now given way to more affective modes of consumption, but the gendering of the consumer, as for instance in ―man as computer,‖ still is privileged in the literature (Belk 1987).

However, analyses that are more recent have highlighted a number of characteristics of consumption building upon the existing body of literature that have not been readily acknowledged in the past (see Table 1):

TABLE 1

The above points are a selective summary of these recent studies, but highlight the seedchange in thinking about the nature, value and importance of consumption in shaping economic change and including innovation. In particular, such studies stress that to be an effective consumer involves time and resources. Thus they in part ta ke up part of Lancaster‘s (1966, 1971, 1991) theory of consumer choice, in that the consumer needs to be an active agent and invest in time and resources to build up capabilities to consume effectively. These studies, in highlighting the development of consumer competences and routines, also echo and build upon Stigler and Becker‘s (1977, p. 78) neo-classical concept of the accumulation of ?consumption capital‘. Just as innovations require considerable investment to produce, so do consumers need to invest in new capabilities and routines to consume them.

Body and post-modernism

Post-modernism, for Jameson1 (1991, p. xii), is "not the cultural dominant of a wholly new social order ..., but only the reflex and the concomitant of yet another systemic modification of capitalism itself.‖ This modification has resulted in post-modern capitalism, in Jameson's view, the purest form of capital yet to emerge. Everything now has become a commodity, and by its transformation into a commodity, a thing of whatever type has been reduced to a means for its own consumption, so that "immanent intrinsic satisfactions" (Jameson 1992, p. 11) from activities are lost as everything becomes means to an end. Here, where modernism could "critique the commodity and the effort to make it transcend itself," (Jameson 1991, p. 1), post-modernism is the "consumption of sheer commodification as a process" (Jameson 1991, p. 1). The reach of this form of capitalism is vastly extended: it is globalized so that it reaches outwards, but it has also crucially, moved into previously uncommodified areas including a colonization of the unconscious, whereby everything in our social lives is penetrated by capitalism. Significantly for this 1 Professor Frederick Jameson is one of the most known philosophers regarding to the analysis of contemporary cultural trends; he described postmodernism as the spatialization of culture under the pressure of organized capitalism. Jameson's best-known books include Postmodernism: The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, The Political Unconscious, and Marxism and Form. "Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism" was initially published in the journal New Left Review in 1984, during Jameson's tenure as Professor of Literature and History of Consciousness at the University of California, Santa Cruz. This controversial article, which would later be expanded to a full-sized book, was part of a series of analyses of postmodernism from the dialectical point of view Jameson had developed in his earlier work on narrative. Jameson here viewed the postmodern "skepticism towards metanarratives" as a "mode of experience" stemming from the conditions of intellectual labor imposed by the late capitalist mode of production.

Postmodernists claimed that the complex differentiation between "spheres" or fields of life (such as the political, the social, the cultural, the commercial, etc.) and between distinct classes and r?les within each field, had been overcome by the crisis of foundationalism and the consequent relativization of truth-claims. Jameson argued, against this, that these phenomena had or could have been understood successfully within a modernist framework; postmodern failure to achieve this understanding implied an abrupt break in the dialectical refinement of thought.

In his view, postmodernity's merging of all discourse into an undifferentiated whole was the result of the colonization of the cultural sphere, which had retained at least partial autonomy during the prior modernist era, by a newly organized corporate capitalism. Following Adorno and Horkheimer's analysis of the culture industry, Jameson discussed this phenomenon in his critical discussion of architecture, film, narrative and visual arts, as well as in his strictly philosophical work.

Jameson's analysis of postmodernism attempted to view it as historically grounded; he therefore explicitly rejected any moralistic opposition to postmodernity as a cultural phenomenon, and continued to insist upon a Hegelian immanent critique. His failure to dismiss postmodernism from the onset, however, was perceived by many as an implicit endorsement of postmodern views.

current analysis, this stage of capitalism is essentially aesthetic and located within the "single protean sense" (Jameson 1992, p. 1) of the visual, so much so that were an ontology of this "artificial, person-produced universe" (Jameson 1992, p. 1) still possible, it would have to be an "ontology of the visual, of being as the visible first and foremost, with the other senses draining off it; all the fights about power and desire have to take place here, between the mastery of the gaze and the illimitable richness of the visual object" (Jameson 1992, p. 1). It is thus through the visual that post-modern capitalism is able to penetrate into the psyche and it is the psyche, which is the locus where individuals transform themselves into commodities, designed for their own consumption.

There are no references to the aesthetics of the body in Jameson's work, but writers within the sociology of the body have developed similarly Baudrillardian-inspired ideas to show how the body is achieved through commodification and consumption. Falk (1994), for example, argues that the body is profoundly connected with the sense of self - "I consume therefore I am.‖ It has become an outward sign of inward moral standing (Lupton 1995) and, most influentially, a bearer of symbolic value (Shilling 1993). The body within consumer culture, Shilling proposes in an argument, which complements Jameson's, is increasingly central to self-identity, related to reflexively, and a project to be worked on, constructed, and consumed.

The sociology of the body lacks the vital political dimension first added by Turner (1984) and later by Jameson, but the overlap between the objects of their analysis, cultural products and, the commodified, constituted body within sociology of the body, suggests the two perspectives can be fruitfully united (Turner 1996). This union produces a body that is (a) constructed and consumed within a capitalist economy whereby bodies are used in the undertaking of the role of worker in the production of goods and services and so contribute to surplus value, and (b) as consumer of capitalist goods, which maintain and constitute the commodified body, and so contribute to profits.

Compare this with Bollas' (1993, 1995) theory of the self, located within a post-modernist object-relations theory which sees the self as a set of idiomatic selves which depend upon significant objects for their elaboration. In Bollas' words, the self is an "internal object" that is "fashioned from several sources: from an inner feel of the authorizing aesthetic that gives polysemous (not unitary) shape to one's being; from an inner feel of internal objects which are the outcome of the other's effect upon one's self; from the shape of discrete episodes of self experience" (Bollas 1995, p. 173). This "internal object,‖ this "phenomenon of the real,‖ is, he argues, the result of our moving through our lives as a unique set of evolving theories that generate insights and new perspectives about ourselves (Bollas 1995, p. 69). The theories arise from the effect of objects upon us: people, music, artworks, artifacts, whatever, they "move through" us like ghosts, inhabiting our minds, and conjured up when we evoke their names (Bollas 1993, pp. 56-57) as we may do in the conscious or unconscious thought processes through which we dream ourselves into being. Thoughts of objects indeed form countless trains, thousands of ideational routes, leading to an explosive creation of meanings which meet up with new units of life experience (Bollas 1995, p. 55).

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: Definition of “perceived body aesthetics”

Based on the most recent definitions about aesthetics, we will try to understand that body image concerns from the standpoint of perceived body aesthetics, rather than body aesthetics, may be a more productive and inclusive approach to the study of socially and culturally diverse young customers of sporting goods because not only socially and culturally diverse individuals don‘t adopt and imitate the same body ideals but each individual develops a totally unique system of perceptions regarding to body aesthetics. Such a conceptualization raises the notion of the ―consumption of symbolic meaning‖ (Elliot 1997) and has a direct impact in targeting and marketing communications planning of sporting organizations, where

young customers of sporting goods becoming ―active‖(see the recent marketing research reports produced by ―Scottish Consumer Council‖ and the ―Market https://www.sodocs.net/doc/357971186.html,). This means, ―The consumption of symbolic meaning, particularly through the use of advertising as a cultural commodity, provides the individual with the opportunity to construct, maintain, and communicate identity and social meanings.‖

?Aesthetics‘, introduced to name that area of philosophy concerned with art and beauty, is a relatively recent rubric – it was first used in this sense in Germany in the 18th century. The word itself is from the Greek and its root meaning, very broadly, is any kind of sensory experience, regardless of whether or not this expereince is felt to be ?beautiful‘ and also whether the cause of this experience is natural. If this meaning is preserved, then the experiences that concern us here are based on, or include as an essential element, objects that originally appeal in some special way to sensation and perception.

From its beginning, with Plato and Aristotle, the history of philosophy encompasses a rich of reflection on the experience of beauty and on the nature of art as a distinctively human cause of beauty.

These experiences are examined within the context of philosophical, psychological, and social science perspectives on aesthetics. A distinction is made between aesthetic products and aesthetic consumption, and these two concepts are discussed in terms of marketing views of their core elements. Charter‘s review (2006) reflected the impact of ―postmodernism‖ on aesthetics wit hin marketing. Consideration was given to four philosophical conundrums relating to the aesthetic experience, which are relevant to marketing theory: disinterested attention; objective and subjective taste; the nature of the aesthetic encounter; and the relationship of evaluation to preference.

In modern literature, aesthetics is approached as a form of knowledge based upon the senses. Here, we follow Strati (2000) and Carter and Jackson (2000), who distinguish usefully between two senses of aesthetic: one which refers to judgments about taste, where the aesthetics are a property of some object and thus are external to the individual; and the other which refers to the emotional response experienced by an individual in relation to some externality, where the aesthetics are a property of the individual rather than the externality. It is this latter sense we use to inform this paper, which sees aesthetics as a process of knowing through tacit knowledge, and understanding achieved through empathy, which allows a contamination of the verbal by the visual and all the other senses (Strati 2000). The aesthetic works through processes of mimesis which involve "imitating, then bricolating and innovating with the behavior and symbols of others" (Linstead 2000, p. 63), so that an aesthetic response of subject to object involves an opening up to the object so that it works upon us, unselfconsciously, without the usual comprehensions of significance, meaning, interest or cause and effect, resulting in responses which are pre-conscious, beyond words, and therefore can clash with conscious, logical apprehensions.

TABLE 2

Conceptual Framework: The two tested theories

Based on the above theoretical background and in order to study the major objective of this paper, we formulate the following research propositions (P v):

P1: Does ethnicity influences positive body image attitudes attitudes and how it can be

measured empirically?

P2: Does gender role development influences positive body image attitudes and how it can be measured empirically?

P3: Do gendered personality traits influence positive body image attitudes and how

it can be measured empirically?

P4: Do advertising and sports media influence body dissatisfaction attitudes and how it can be measured empirically?

Based on the conceptualization of ―perceived body aesthetics,‖ through the following literature review we aim to identify the factors that can influence an individual‘s body image attitudes and individual‘s body dissatisfaction and how this influence can be measured empirically, in order to be leaded to a better understanding of the construct of perceived body aesthetics in the sport marketing context.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Does ethnicity influence positive body image attitudes and how it can be measured empirically? Although all students experience ecological and social changes at the transition to college, they differ in their body image concerns. Historically, studies have included mostly European Americans, and have found that women express greater dissatisfaction than men do with their appearance and weight, and they place greater importance on and invest more in their appearance than men do (Mintz and Betz 1986; Muth and Cash 1997). In contrast, other work illustrates that men and women experience similar levels of discontent with their bodies when controlling for the direction of dissatisfaction (Cohn and Adler, 1992; Tantleff-Dunn and Thompson 1995). Specifically, Cohn and Adler found that most women want to be thinner, whereas men are fairly split in their desire to be thinner or heavier.

Research work on body image has included individuals from different ethnic groups. Studies that compared African American and European American women on body image have generally shown that African American women report more positive body image attitudes, including lower body dissatisfaction and more relaxed criteria for fatness (Molloy and Herzberger 1998; Rucker and Cash 1992). More recent work with Latina women has yielded mixed findings. Some work shows that European American women are more dissatisfied with their bodies than are Mexican American and Spanish women (Warren et al. 2005), yet other work indicates that Latina girls are more dissatisfied with their bodies than are female adolescents from other ethnic groups (including European Americans and African Americans; Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2002). Few studies, however, have tested sex and ethnic differences in body image together. Of those that did test both, some point to overall ethnic differences, such that African Americans report more favorable body image attitudes than European Americans and Latino/a Americans (Altabe

1998; Miller et al. 2000). Yet, others indicate no significant differences among these groups (Demarest and Allen 2000). Based on this previous work, we expected to find sex and ethnic differences in body image, and possible interactions between them as well.

Recently, Abrams and Stormer (2004) evidenced about the functionality of the SATAQ research instrument (Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire), in order to measure empirically ethnicity influences to positive body image attitudes.

Does gender role development influence positive body image attitudes and how it can be measured empirically?

Cultural and societal standards regarding desirable body characteristics such as thinness have become unrealistic for young women within the past twenty years (Thomas and James 2004). Adolescent males are also vulnerable to the pressure to attain the ―ideal‖ male body. Very often, the ―ideal‖ and ―actual‖ body type will not or cannot coincide even with excessive exercising, and this leads to body image dissatisfaction for both males and females. Young adolescents are well aware of the cultural criteria for attractiveness through the news media, television and magazines. Media emphasis on possessing a muscular build for males and unrealistic thinness for females may have increased the percentage of young adolescents wishing to fit the ―ideals.‖It seems appropriate try to understand the developmental precursors and concomitant factors that are related to body image in order to comprehend the complexity of the self. It is also important to provide data on body image in non-clinical adolescents rather than promulgating studies within the narrow limits of the field of eating disorders. Sports requiring a thin build have been reported in the literature as being obvious places for adolescent females to develop eating disorders (Burns 1997). However, it is not known whether this phenomenon exists across a wider range of sports and body types. For professional sportsmen and women this relationship with the body is additionally complex. Not only is it the vehicle for performance – sports after all involve an engagement in movement and motion of the body in given ways –but it is increasingly the site of an intersection between processes of ?hypercommodification‘ (Giulianotti 2002) and the disciplinary mechanisms of sports science being performed upon the athlete‘s body; partially enforced through the panopticon of the media gaze (Cashmore 2000) which aims to ensure the replication of appropriate sports bodies. New social pressures to appear sexy and perfect (Williams and Cash 2001) also surround sports participants. Recently, Thomsen, Bower and Barnes (2004) observed that the social comparison process heavily influences body image. Although the self-evaluations of physical ability are predominantly positive, evaluations of body image are frequently negative and appear to be exacerbated by photographic poses that emphasize an athlete‘s aesthetic beauty rather than her athletic prowess.

Perhaps more important than the documentation of mean differences between men's and women's body image is the explanation of these differences. Examination of within group variation, specifically men's and women's gender role development, may help to do so. Gender role development is a multifaceted, context-dependent process that includes the development of gendered personality traits, such as masculinity and femininity, and gender role attitudes, such as beliefs about men and women career roles (Deaux and Major 1987; McHale, Updegraff, Helms-Erikson and Crouter 2001). Because body image is intimately connected to gender (Schroeder and Borgerson 2004), it is important to examine whether and how it relates to gender role development--the attitudes and traits that define the essence of masculinity and femininity. Although previous researchers have examined body image and its relation to either gendered personality traits or gender role attitudes (e.g., Cash, Ancis and Strachan, 1997; Jackson, Sullivan and Rostker 1988), to our knowledge, no one has examined them together from a gender role development framework.

Recently, Gillen and Lefkowitz (2006) evidenced about the functionality of the Contour Drawing Rating Scale (CDRS) proposed by Thompson and Gray in 1995, in order to assess body dissatisfaction.

Do gendered personality traits influence positive body image attitudes and how they can be measured empirically?

Previous research suggests an association between body image and gendered personality traits, often referred to as instrumentality or masculinity and expressivity or femininity (Bem 1981; Spence and Helmreich 1978). One of two theories (Johnson and Petrie 1995) typically explains these associations. Although drawn from the eating disorder literature, these theories may be relevant for understanding body image, given that body image disturbance is a strong predictor of eating problems (Polivy and Herman 2002). Specifically, Boskind-Lodahl (1976) argued that women who develop eating disorders are overly engaged in the feminine role, from which a desire for thinness manifests as one consequence. In contrast, Steiner-Adair's (1986) discrepancy theory posits that women who develop eating disorders are low in instrumentality (i.e., masculinity), a circumstance that is problematic because women are inclined to be relational oriented (i.e., feminine), yet they are also expected to possess instrumental traits. These instrumental traits are more socially valued and, therefore, are important for success. Thus, the femininity theory proposes a link between excessive femininity and body image disturbance, whereas the discrepancy theory argues for an association between low masculinity and body image problems.

In general, research supports the discrepancy theory, although there are some exceptions (Snyder and Hasbrouck 1996). Studies show that body dissatisfaction is related to low levels of masculinity, particularly in women (Hawkins, Turell and Jackson 1983; Jackson, Sullivan and Rostker 1988; Kimlicka, Cross and Tarnai 1983). Although less is known about men (Patterson and Elliott 2002), it is possible that men who lack masculine qualities will also have trouble meeting cultural expectations of masculinity, which may be reflected in their poor body attitudes. Other researchers have shown that men who are less masculine report poorer mental health outcomes, such as higher depression and anxiety, compared to men who are more masculine (O'Heron and Orlofsky 1990).

Recently, Cash, Melnyk, and Hrabosky (2004) evidenced about the functionality of the Appearance Schemas Inventory-Revised (ASI-R) research instrument, which is a 20-item self-report inventory measuring appearance management (grooming behaviors) and aspects of psychosocial functioning (social self-presentation, self-esteem, and eating disturbances) using two subscales: Self-Evaluative Salience of Appearance (12 items) and Motivational Salience of Appearance (8 items). The instrument, revised from the original 14-item ASI (Cash and Labarge 1996), assesses body image in relation to certain beliefs or assumptions about the importance, meaning, and influence of appearance in one‘s life and sense of self worth.

Do advertising and sport media influence body dissatisfaction and how they can be measured empirically?

In the examination of perceived body aesthetics in this paper, body dissatisfaction is important because of its established association (e.g., Silverstein and Perlik 1995) with depression, low self-esteem, and disordered eating. Disordered eating and body image is also a very common amongst adolescents not actively involved in sport or physical activity (Signey 2002; Clarke 2000). Much of the research on body dissatisfaction and particularly research on disordered eating, has focused on the effect of the extremely slender ideal female body types found in Western Europe and North America. By the late 1960s, the voluptuous "sweater girls" of the 1940s and 1950s had been replaced by very slender, almost boy-like, fashion models (Lamb et al. 1993). Objective measures of cultural beauty ideals such as Playboy centerfolds and beauty pageant winners have confirmed this trend (Garner et al. 1980; Morris, Cooper and Cooper 1989; Wiseman et al. 1992). As many authors have noted (e.g. Garner et al. 1980; Rodin, Silberstein and Striegel-Moore 1984), for most women this extremely slender body type is both unhealthy

and unobtainable. It is thus not surprising that adoption of the thin body ideal has been paralleled by women's decreasing satisfaction with their bodies (Feingold and Mazzella 1998). As Brumberg (1997) and many others have noted, it seems paradoxical that at the very time when social changes have greatly increased available roles and opportunities for women, social expectations of female body types have become increasingly rigid and unrealistic, deviations from these expectations have produced increasingly negative social reactions and self-evaluations, and large numbers, probably the majority, of young Western women have learned to judge their bodies by unhealthy, unrealistic, and unobtainable standards. In many ways, the issue confronting advertisers has shifted from creating equality in the gender roles portrayed to showing a broader range/scope of female images in advertisements. Advertisers have been accused of unintenti onally imposing a sense of inadequacy on women‘s self-concepts (Pollay 1986; Shields and Heineken 2001). It has been claimed that advertising generates cynicism, insecurity and conformity, and has neglected higher order moral values (Pollay 1986;Shields and Heineken 2001). Cattarin, Thompson, Carmen and Williams (2000) examined the effects of media-driven images of attractiveness on the level of body image and mood disturbance amongst females. Their findings suggest women experience distress (in terms of anger, anxiety and depression) when viewing media images that reflect the current societal bias towards thinness and attractiveness. Similarly, Stice and Shaw (1994) found exposure to ultra-thin models in advertisements and magazine pictures produced depression, stress, guilt, shame, insecurity and body dissatisfaction in female college students. One could argue that female images portrayed in advertisements are simply a mirror of Western society‘s preoccupation with the feminine ideal, and that these criticisms are unjustified. Richins (1991) and Martin and Kennedy (1993), for example, found no relationship between self-perceptions of physical attractiveness and exposure to attractive models in advertisements. This suggests self-esteem and body dissatisfaction are moderated by other variables, such as body weight (Pesa, Syre and Jones 2000), body image (Cash and Hicks 1990; Heinberg, Thompson and Stormer 1995), gender (Burton, Netemeyer and Lichtenstein 1995; Fallon and Rozin 1985), the motives for comparison (Cattarin et al. 2000; Martin and Gentry 1997) and age (Martin and Gentry 1997; Girgus 1989). The societal implications of the negative stereotyping of women and minority groups in the media may be profound. The repeated portrayals of African Americans as objects of social concern in public service advertisements, for example, reinforces the image of a population group dependent on government assistance and incapable of conforming to the mainstream work ethic (Stern 1999). This, in effect, not only creates discrimination and sets up barriers that exclude whole groups of people, but also suggests that the world is one homogeneous group and that all those who differ are not worthy of inclusion (Vandergrift 1993). Adolescents, in general, are very susceptible to such cues and will often use outside information (including advertisements and the mass media) to form or reinforce their own self-identity (Ashbach 1994; Schouten 1991; Freedman 1984). Negative portrayals of racial minorities in the media have been shown to have a particularly detrimental effect on the self-esteem of minority youths, making them feel largely unconnected to society, or even invisible (Kern-Foxworth 1994).

Sports media is defined as television or magazines that show athletic events or promote a sports-oriented lifestyle. Some studies have examined whether or not exposure to sports media impacts women‘s eating disorder symptomatology differently than does exposure to other media. Tiggerman and Pickering (1996) found that women‘s body dis satisfaction was negatively correlated with watching sports. The results of Harrison (2000) contradict this, finding that sports magazine exposure led to an increase in body dissatisfaction for 12th grade females. Nonetheless, a later study (Harrison, 2001) found that sports exposure negatively predicted ChEAT scores, as well as body dissatisfaction. Harrison and Fredrickson (2003) found that reading sports magazines increased body satisfaction for girls in grades 10 through 12. However, the authors justified this finding, noting that without a clear content analysis of the magazines

the girls are reading, there is no way of knowing whether the participants are being exposed to men‘s sports, lean female sports, or non-lean female sports.

IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY-MAKERS

In our society, aesthetic capital, like other kinds of capital, is unequally distributed. Lookism is like racism, classism, sexism, ageism and the other –isms in that it can create what may be unjust barriers to equal opportunity in the workplace and education. Lookism is not only an ethical issue. It has taken on, and not for the first time, what can only be called world-historical significance. With apologies to Postman (1986) and Debord (1995), we do appear to be amusing ourselves to death in the society of the spectacle. New visual media and technologies, infotainment, virtual reality, corporate image-projection, video games, internet voyeurism and many other developments all in their own ways reinforce the importance of appearances in things and attractiveness in persons. Institutions that have traditionally aimed to subordinate appearances, such as the church and the university, are scrambling to adapt to a generation with historically unprecedented visual receptivity. We believe that we need to look critically at lookism. Due to our increasing sensitivity to discrimination, it is gaining status as a discussable issue in public policy. We will review the tradition of ethical thinking about aestheticism in general and lookism in particular, evaluate the current debate between social constructionists and evolutionary essentialists, and clarify positions on the justice or injustice of lookism and their policy implications.

Nomenclature and observational methods

In thinking about these issues, we considered a number of categories and terms. At first, it seemed that what is really at issue is a prejudicial sort of ―aestheticism,‖ or even ―physicalism.‖ After all, the kind of discrimination we are talking about is a reaction to the body as well as the face. The victims include, among others, short men and tall women, however otherwise aesthetically unobjectionable. Besides the visible body, we routinely discriminate based on accent, tone of voice, and smell. Yet these kinds of reactions do not seem different enough from the visual ones to warrant a separate category. Besides, terms such as ―physicalism‖ and ―aestheticism‖ are too well established in other contexts to be of much use here.

The choice turned out to be between ―looksism‖ and ―lookism.‖It seemed to us that ―looksism,‖ with the ―s‖ in the middle, connotes a somewhat objective situation in which one has one‘s looks as one has one‘s social markers of race, class, and gender. Although it would emphasize the role of physiology in attractiveness, it would tend to slight the role of culture and individual taste in personal appearance. ―Lookism,‖ on the other hand, carries a suggestion of a person‘s ―look‖ or style, and thus tends to skew discussion toward the opposite pole, matters of culture and taste. However, if that connotation can be mitigated, ―lookism‖ has a metaphysical advantage. It implies a more general and perhaps more subjective reliance on visual perception of people and things. So we decided on ―lookism,‖ which we define, followin g Ayto, as ―prejudice or discrimination on the grounds of appearance (i.e., uglies are done down and the beautiful people get all the breaks).‖ The term was first used in the Washington Post Magazine in 1978 in reference to ―fat people‖ who are ―rallying to help each other find sympathetic doctors, happy employers and future mates. They are coining new words (?lookism‘—discrimination based on looks, ?FA‘—Fat Admirer)‖ (Ayto 1999, p. 485). One author from the self-help genre uses the term ―appearance discrimination‖(Jeffes 1998). Another equivalent expression is beauty prejudice or discrimination.

On the opposite, positive pole would be maximum attractiveness, also known as ―beauty‖ (for women and, sometimes, boys and certain men), or ―handsomeness‖ (for me n and certain women). Being judged to be at the negative pole is an aesthetic variant of what Goffman (1985) calls stigma: an immediately

recognizable abnormal trait that works subliminally to turn others away and thus break social claims. Being judged to be at the positive pole is aesthetic charisma, understood both in Weber‘s political sense as a trait that is perceived to be a divine gift and in the sense that it is used in the entertainment industry as an equivalent of ―star quality.‖ Like stigma, charisma is also both evident and obtrusive. It is abnormal in the sense of exceptional and immediately recognizable, and it too works subliminally, only in this case to attract others and thus to create social claims. The majority in the middle—men of ordinary appearance, women who used to be described as ―plain‖—are of course as caught up in the gradations of the scale as the stars and monsters.

Arguing, as we do, for the pervasiveness of lookism in our culture undeniably presents us with the methodological difficulty that lookism is implicated in other forms of prejudice and the other forms are implicated in lookism. Just listen to the language. Terms that are used in the other –isms routinely invoke lookism (―colored,‖―Negro,‖ ―black,‖ ―brown,‖ ―mocha,‖ ―caramel,‖ ―white,‖ ―pale male,‖ ―redneck,‖ ―red,‖ ―yellow,‖ ―slant,‖ ―pink,‖ ―lavender,‖ and―gray‖). Correspondingly, terms used in lookism invoke other –isms (―classy‖ for attractiveness and ―pigmy‖ applied to short men). We know that racism, classism and sexism are often motivated by judgments of personal attractiveness. Judgments of attractiveness, likewise, are often motivated by ideas associated with race, class and sex.

How do we tease out the specific contribution of lookism to the injustices of modern society? One way would be to look for lookism as such, taking it as some sort of existential substrate for the other forms of prejudice. However, this hardly seems necessary. None of the other prejudices is clear-cut ideal types either, and this has not prevented plenty from being said and done to redress the social harm they cause. We do not need to construct a race less, classless, ageless, sexless original situation or control group.

The current debate: Essentialists vs. Constructionists

Prima facie, lookism may be difficult to see as a prejudice because judging people based on how they look is in many areas of life an indisputable good. After all, much depends on our ability to make valid aesthetic judgments. The most obvious case is sexual attraction. As in nature, so in culture, romance, friendship, familial affiliation, imagination, art and major sectors of the economy are unthinkable without judging by appearances. When and where lookism is triggered—that is, its economic sector or social context—determines whether it might result in unjust discrimination. What is ordinarily and unobjectionably exclusionary in a romantic situation, for example, might be unjust at work or at school, where lookism can be construed to pervert a natural impulse. What is otherwise normal may become abnormal.

Today, the debate is still between essentialists and constructionists, but the essentialists have become evolutionary and the constructionists have become social. Both sides are more informed by ethical and political concerns than was the case in the previous debates. What decides which camp you are in is the proportionality you give to those venerable determinisms, nature and nurture? If an unjust behavior is more natural than nurtured, or in other words ―essential,‖ it is more difficult to discern as unjust and therefore more difficult to change. By contrast, if an unjust behavior is more nurtured than natural, in other words ―constructed,‖ it is easier to discern as unjust and therefore easier to change. Most of the time, beauty signals health, both physical and mental; health signals reproductive success. Ugliness, on the other hand, sometimes signals disease, hence reproductive failure. What could be more essential to the human project than desire for pleasure, disgust with pain, and, determining everything else, the need to reproduce? In such contexts, it makes sense to say that we are naturally inclined against ugly people and in favor of beautiful people; however those categories may be interpreted. Paying attention to aesthetics in these contexts is discrimination in the positive sense, akin to prudence.

From the standpoint of evolutionary psychology, lookism would seem to be a requirement, if only to ensure reproductive success. The instantaneousness of the lookist response could be due to our need to quickly size up others as friend or enemy, threat or opportunity.

Attractiveness varies from culture to culture, but each ethnic group does not construct it ex nihilo. Take, for example, the most notorious instance: the practice of the Ubangi tribe in Africa in which disks are inserted in young women‘s lips to stretch them out gradually to form two plates extending from the front of the mouth.

Exceptional, granted; but at least the plates are on the same plane. Both lips are horizontal. The young women‘s faces are otherwise attractive, in whatever cultural terms. Symmetry has some sway, even in the tropics.

It is true that social context can trump the evolutionary impulse in many ways. In certain fields, women and men are discriminated against if they are judged too attractive. However, relativism, as always, turns out to be incoherent, and the commonalities between cultures on basic matters of personal appearance turn out to be more important than the differences.

IMPLICATIONS FOR SPORTS MARKETING RESEARCH

In conditions of high modernity, there is a tendency for the body to become increasingly central to the modern person‘s sense of self-identity (Shilling 2003, p.1). The evidence of such a view can be found in the sports media focus on body image and the promotion and preservation of youth, beauty and sexual desire. This has been accompanied by growing numbers of people utilizing their body shape and appearance as a means of expressing their individual identity; developing them into social symbols, that give messages to others. Such a process often involves viewing the body as a project, an entity in the process of becoming and therefore opens to reconstruction in line with the designs of its owner – with the inherent acknowledgement that such bodies are not found ?naturally‘. Citing Beck (1999), Shilling notes that it is surely significant that regimes of health, beauty and self-care referred to above are potentially promoting the body as a place of ontological security in a global system characterized by multiple and inescapable risks. To follow Lasch (1991), observing a millennial society where its citizens spurn community or forms of collectivity in preference for unyielding self-regard and the emergence of a new morality of self-gratification, argues that one aspect of this behavior is a demand for physical perfection –a bodily orientation – involving a fear of ageing and sickness: ?…having no hope of improving their lives in any of the ways that matter, people have convinced themselves that what matters is psychic self-improvement: getting in touch with their feelings, eating health food, taking lessons in ballet…‘ (Lasch 1991, p.40).

For professional sportsmen and women this relationship with the body is additionally complex. Not only is it the vehicle for performance – sports after all involve an engagement in movement and motion of the body in given ways –but it is increasingly the site of an intersection between processes of ?hypercommodification‘ (Giu lianotti 2002) and the disciplinary mechanisms of sports science being performed upon the athlete‘s body; partially enforced through the panopticon of the media gaze (Cashmore 2000) which aims to ensure the replication of appropriate sports bodies. Additionally, professional sportspeople and sports teams can operate as powerful signifiers of class, nationality, politics, gender, borderless and bordered lives (Wong and Trumper 2002). As professionals, and in their extra mural activities, their actions and attainments now possess far greater significance than they have ever had whilst, as individuals, they arguably wield a highly variable degree of control over the signifiers attached to them and their meanings.

Giulianotti‘s definition of commodification is ?a process by which an object or social practice acquires an exchange value or market-centered meaning.‘ It is not a single but ongoing process, often involving the gradual entry of market logic to the various elements that constitute the object or social practice under consideration. The marked intensification of this process within the sports domain in recent years is of a different order to that experienced in the late 1980s and could therefore is termed as a period of hypercommodification. However, whilst the development of this concept is primarily focused on football, this particular sport has arguably led the rea lignment and heightened ?mediaization‘ of other sports within the UK during this period: potentially operating as the originator of these trends. This process of hypercommodification has tended to involve the efforts of sports governing bodies and club directors and owners to attract wealthier audiences –especially where they had been absent or marginal – to attend games. The English football authorities recognised this in the early 1990s following a period when the sport had been in the doldrums and was facing the apparently terminal blight of routinized problems of serious spectator disorder.

?In the 1990s and beyond, patterns of affluence a nd the associated fragmentation of circumstances and interests make it almost impossible to formulate any leisure activity as a truly mass market one. The implication is that hard choices have to be made as to the consumer segment to which the offer is to be targeted, and hence the ingredients of that offer. As implied above, the response of most sectors has been to move upmarket so as to follow the affluent ?middle class‘ consumer in his or her pursuits and aspirations. We strongly suggest that there is a message in this for football and particularly for the design of stadia for the future.‘ (The Football Association 1991, pp. 8-9)

The F.A.s ?Blueprint for Football‘ led to the sport targeting those engaging in the burgeoning leisure market emerging in the late 1980s – aiming to increase the appeal of the sport to this audience involving a profound shift in the ?customer base‘ for football. Such a social realignment of the sport also has consequences for concepts of community and the traditional ties clubs have had with the communities they are located within (Williams 1996). With the increasing number of new all-seater stadia being located outside city centers, the increase in levels of mobility through car ownership and a reliance on it to facilitate leisure spending, there then comes a pressure to sustain the psychological attachment between clubs and supporters. As the Henley Centre stated: ?...the question of finding new mechanisms to cultivate this attachment which do not rely on physical proximity is a pressing one.‘(The Football Association 1991, p.13)

Since the late 1980s, diverse but extraordinary volumes of have driven hypercommodification capital that have entered sports from entirely new sources such as satellite and pay-per-view TV networks, the Internet and telecommunications corporations, transnational sports equipment manufacturers, public relations companies and the major stock markets through the sale of club equity. Simultaneously, a new set of social and cultural relations arose during this period: seeing the greater migration of elite sports labor, the gradual proliferation of continental and global competitions, the huge rise in the salaries of elite sportsmen and women within some sports, new media outlets for sports (e.g. satellite TV, club TV, the Internet and the new generation of mobile phones) and new forms of cultural encoding through these media. Arguably, these new forms of encoding hinge around the personalities, attainments and the bodies of key sports figures. It is this tapestry that has seen the rise of the superstars such as David Beckham and, more recently, Wayne Rooney.

The implications of body image for sport marketing practice

One aspect of the shift in these social and cultural relations can be seen in the marketing of sports (and associated products) using images of those who play them. Whilst the use of recognized sports personalities within marketing campaigns is not new and has a lengthy history, the nature and extent to

their use is. Even English cricket captains are now regularly used to publicize national tournaments –presenting the sport and using their status in ways their predecessors even five years ago would never have experienced. Therefore, billboard posters for BBC Radio 4‘s continuous coverage of the 2003 One Day International (ODI) series against South Africa and Zimbabwe utilized the bruised and stitched face of the then newly promoted England captain, Michael Vaughan, to symbolize the ?no hiding place‘ attitude of the game supposedly occurring in both the enactment and coverage of this tournament thus providing a harder edge for the presentation of these series of games which one would not traditionally associate with this sport or with the traditionally genteel radio coverage provided by the BBC.

But more importantly, if Vaughan had been a more discretely known sports figure (it could be argued he was known then to cricket aficionados but less recognized outside the game) his elevation to national ODI captain has ended that and the poster campaign potentially stimulates curiosity for those who are unaware of who he is, what he does and the ?battle‘ he is engaged in (who is this battered man with a cricket bat?). The upside is the potential for gaining ?customers‘ for the matches either as listeners or as spectators. However, if Vaughan‘s level of public recognition has accelerated, his status has been used to market the sport he plays for and the team he leads, along with a specific tournament, its sponsors and (surely inadvertently) the satellite TV network covering the ODI series. The previously reticent figure of Vaughan is now directly and indirectly a vehicle for marketing a plethora of products financing his sport – and financing him as a player. He can no longer remain a shadowy figure even if he wanted to. Additionally, the new forms of cultural encoding of sports has seen further developments in the ways in which sports themselves are reported and represented across the media with certain events, matches and players attaining a symbolism that extends beyond the confines of the sport with the sportspeople involved within such events being subjected to a degree of scrutiny and representational manipulation that is unparalleled and, as stated, is rarely within the control of the sportsmen and women, their clubs or governing bodies. Thus, sportspeople can be presented as symbols of national identity. For example, Chisholm (1999) shows how the U.S. Olympic gymnastics team‘s victory in the 1996 games was portrayed as a final victory in the cold war with the gymnasts themselves and their attainments being described in military terms. Maguire, Poulton and Possamai (1999) illustrate that the media coverage of the England versus German football match in Euro 96 illustrated the existence of an agenda based around nostalgia and ethnic assertiveness/defensiveness on the part of the English press, with references to the Second World War and the World Cup victory of 1966. The German press preferred to focus on the contemporary European political situation to assert their superiority over England – and to take further satisfaction from the victorious performance of their football team. Finally, Madan (2000) illustrates how World Series Cricket in Australia becomes a space for ?diasporic nationalism‘, creating an India n reality in a non-Indian place. Additionally, sportspeople can also operate as signifiers of class (Foote 2003) and gender (Chisholm 1999; Mennesson 2000; Sparkes and Smith 2002). This ?manipulation‘of national sporting events and sports people is successful in engaging emotion because, as acknowledged by Weiss, sport is shaped by and derives symbolic significance from its close links with society.

?With its classic, socioculturally valid and transparent norms, it forms a social subsystem in which differ ent types of identity reinforcement can be found through…a sports performance; or it can be experienced vicariously as sport spectator.‘ (Weiss 2001, p.393)

For Weiss in modern societies there is no other social subsystem that gives so many people, regardless of their religion, gender, age or social or educational level, access to a system of social validation and acknowledgement by others. Arguably the sports media are both aware and exploit such social validation and the feelings sports performances can and do engender in those who watch and follow a sport or a particular event – they are often involved personally with these processes as supporters/sports watchers themselves.

In the UK, the early 1990s and the emergence of a now major TV network has had a huge impact on the TV coverage of a range of sports and the utilization of increasingly sophisticated production values. It could be argued that this sea change in presentation was and is not confined to football but has extended to include a complete revision of the ways in which sports and sportspeople are depicted across the full range of media forms. The commitment made by the (then) new TV sports provider Sky to raise such standards concerning their presentation of the English football‘s Premier Leag ue not only enhanced the league‘s status in its early days but?…forced a reaction by the other media who were fearful of being left by the wayside. Commercial radio and the tabloids in particular responded in a manner, which brought a quantum leap in the perceived importance of football. Under Sky, the game blossomed from being merely a 90-minute action spectacle, into an art form worthy of discussion and analysis. Sport as drama. Sport as soap opera. If it was always the most important sport in the country, it was now the second, third and fourth most important sport as well.‘ (Fynn and Davidson 1996, p.217)

It is now a drama played out and marketed through the lives, performances, personalities and bodies of sportsmen and women. For Cashmore (2000), there is a strong link between the sports body and the ideal vision of the body portrayed within commodity culture. Given that the sporting body can be (at the highest levels of a high profile sport) a commodified body with elite athletes literally being bought and sold by the clubs they play for, whilst also commanding huge sums for endorsements.

Additionally here, as noted with the example of Michael Vaughan, those who gain pre-eminence within their sport will now be used to advertise it. For TV companies and sports sponsors, it is clearly desirable, if not imperative that the ambassadors for those sports possess a physique that can operate as a vehicle for marketing as well as performative purposes.

The implications within an organizational setting have been profound (especially within North America) as employees are implicitly held to account for their own body image and behaviors; going some way to explaining the 1990s incantation that everyone ―wanted to be like Mike Jordan‖ As Helstein(2003) shows, through an analysis of the politics and production of desire within Nike advertising to women, how the organization through its association of knowledge power and truth has and continues to publicize and authorize a specific notion of who or what counts as a female athlete. This is manifest when an examination of the pairing of the themes of ?commitment‘, ?excellence‘ and ?emancipation‘ is made in relation to a specific set of Nike advertisements.

?Athletes are driven by commitment, to their sport, to themselv es, to excellence itself. Commitment fuels the extra mile, the final set, the last quarter, the sprint to the line, going on, when the body begs to stop…‘(Nike, 1998 – as cited in Helstein 2003, p.279).

As noted by her, the campaign indicated that by following the prescriptions of the discourse – working on the body, eating healthy food, exercising and so on –the female athlete would undergo self-transformation and growth. Whilst Helstein does not make the connection between organizational and sports connotations held by these themes, there is clearly a high degree of resonance between the language used by Nike in their advertisements and the influential excellence literature of the late 1980s and 1990s and the (controversial) themes of empowerment that still echo within HR discourse. ?…the female athlete who competes hard and only accepts excellence is ?within the true‘ and that way of being an athlete (or at least an aspiration to it) has become the legitimate choice. Therefore, the empowerment and self-acceptance that could be achieved through exercise…is now achieved through working on the body in ways that produce excellence. This is the latest prescription for self-transformation within the discourse of Nike.‘ (Helstein 2003, p.281)

As an increasing number of athletes are used within corporations – as inspirational figures, ambassadors, motivational speakers, or promoters of internal fitness and health promotion campaigns – there is a triadic relationship emerging between the body of the athlete, the advertisers who utilize the performative and aesthetic qualities of the body to sell its products, and organizations who also utilize the achievements and wider social signifiers of the athlete for the company‘s own disciplinary performative purposes. Applying a Foucauldian analysis here, the body is the archetypal subject of power and political control with power relations operating through and inscribed upon it often in subtle rather than coercive ways. We incline towards conformity because of the involvement in discourse that prescribes ranges of normality for the human body and thereby human behavior. This does not preclude resistance, but it can be difficult to resist these processes of regulation emerging from powerful institutions – be they sports bodies, advertisers or employers. In the sports domain there is a strong overlap between discourses on the healthy body and the sporting body with those of medicine, public health and sport all emphasizing a controlled, self disciplined body with the ideal being similar across all of these discourses and involving technologies of the self directed at achieving the best possible self via an enduring, on-going project. As Cashmore acknowledges, the bodies of professional sportspeople are subject to extensive regulation as the degree of control being exerted within that environment increases due to the use of sports science technologies to develop physical performance through training, dietary regimes and to detect ?unlawful‘ drug use. Recent field work with an English Premier League football team, known for its innovative investment in sports science, indicated that one aspect of their focus on this area (which includes a focus on psychology) was not only performative. Because of the degree of surveillance, daily measurement and monitoring of the body occurring there, it meant that the individual player has ?no excuses‘; failure to perform was thereby transferred from the potential province of the backroom staff to the highly exposed individual and collective of the team.

Therefore, if, for the contemporary self it is believed that the body conveys the thoughts and dispositions of the ?owner‘, given the inextricable link between self-identity and embodiment, the deportment and appearance of the body has become highly important. For those whose bodies will be used to promote the sports they play and upon which so much depends, they have to indicate engagement with the body project by providing evidence – the fit, measured, monitored, healthy body.

The attainment o f this body, as stated previously, does not come ?naturally‘ – it is a personal achievement requiring constant work and vigilance. Through the presentation of their bodies, sports people demonstrate (or not) their capacity for self-discipline and heightened self-control: an ability to overcome the sins of the flesh. Therefore, sports stars who are physically unfit or ill are increasingly presented by some media reporters as anomalous – as seen in the ribbing of Australian cricketer Shane Warne in the 1996/7 test season due to his weight gain; the criticism of American tennis player, Monica Seles at Wimbledon in 1997 for the same reason. In both cases, the suggestion was that such elite athletes should not allow their bodies to disintegrate to such an extent. Another reading might point to the pre-eminent status both possessed within their respective sports and the implications their weight gain had for a range of stakeholders because such less-than perfect sports people, including those who may spectacularly fall from moral grace, cannot be used as authentic role models for corporate (or any other form) of consumption.

The contribution of this article

Body aesthetics is an issue of high importance not only for the image-making industry but also for sports businesses as a very attractive market. Around the world, beautiful faces and bodies sell. Advertisers and fashion houses hire good-looking people to represent their products. The sports industry is no different.

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竜崎桜乃 加入方法：队中有千石或葵时游玩，发生事件「かわいい女の子み～っけ」后可选。 ·橘杏 加入方法：1.队长是幸村以外的人，队员在两人以上时游玩，发生事件「ストリートの悪魔」，挑战街头网球，胜利后可选。 2.队中有千石或葵时游玩，发生事件「かわいい女の子み～っけ」后可选。 ·滝萩之介 加入方法：队长是凤且队中有宍戸时，邀宍戸进行特别练习中的“シングルス練習”，比赛后，发生事件「宍戸ふたたび！」，之后可选。 ·榊太郎 加入方法：队中有冰帝的成员时，连续游玩8周，发生事件「榊登場」后可选。 ·木更津亮 加入方法：选手视察时找木更津淳，发生事件「取り替えられた双子」后加入。 ·福士ミチル 加入方法：队员在两人以上时游玩，发生事件「選手の後ろ姿」，追上他后可选(未必每次都追的上，若失败则训练下降)。 ·幸村精市 加入方法：队长是立海大成员、南次郎、榊以外的人，并且队中有立海大的成员，在総合チーム力70％以上、练习比赛获胜的情况下去游玩(快餐店)，发生事件「立海大部長」后可选。·越前南次郎 加入方法：队中某人全能力S时，发生事件「限界」，之后选特别练习，突破界限，在突破界限的状态下去游玩，发生事件「南次郎登場」，用突破界限的队员打赢他后可选。 长发穴户：在滝萩之介是领队的情况下，穴户在队后通关，然后出现 金发橘：获得古伤后会发生离队去九州事件，回来后能力都提升2，样子改变 觉醒１００％习得方法 首先要让你想学得觉醒的人达到界限！！然后帮助他克服界限，下一周游玩遇到南次郎，输给他学得压破，然后用Ｓ／Ｌ大法游玩再次遇到南次郎，在ＬＶ的情况下击败他就会学得觉醒了(不需要用必杀打败他) 其实后来再遇到他几率是很高的 5种习得觉醒的方法~~ 1：队员得到古伤后会去九州10周(有的人要10周以上)回来所有能力提升2且获得觉醒。2：突破界限后游出中碰到南次郎先输给他习得气魄，第2次遇到以气力LV5击败获得觉醒。3：总友情70%左右，特定人的一些能力达到SS后就有几率获得，如切原技术SS就能随机获得觉醒。 4：国光去九州后，出游随机在市街碰到切原，与他对战3局，且要切原出危险必杀，将其打败后获得觉醒。(与之对战的是领导人，所以只限领导人) 5：使用越前南次郎当领导人，在最后10周后一直出游，那么就能随机在第三次(也就是第13周)出游队员获得觉醒。 古伤的获得方法： 1：随机获得完全运气 2：出现在桃城与神尾的地方，获胜后得到但获得古伤的都是领导人 3：当你的训练项目的等级提升时，比如提升到LV2时，随机获得

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得十分重要了。 但是，我仍然希望我闲暇空余的时间，去旅旅游或者做我想做的事。 简单来说，我想要的未来就和家人一起过平淡富足的日子。 学生英语作文my futureI think I will be a teacher in the future, because I like to stay with children. I'll live in shanghai because I went to shanghai last summer and fell in love with it. I think it's really a beautiful city. As a teacher, I’ll try my best to teach my students well and tell them how to be a useful person. In my free time, I’ll listen to music, pop songs and go shopping with my friends, Sometimes I'll keep pets-maybe a colorful bird. It makes me happy. During the summer holiday, I’ll go to Italy on vacation. I hear that it's a great place to have fun.我觉得将来我会成为一名教师，因为我喜欢和孩子们待在一起。 我会住在上海，因为我去年夏天去上海的时候就爱上了它。 我真的觉得那是一个美丽的城市。 作为一名老师，我会尽力教好我的学生并告诉他们如何做一个有用的人。 在我的空闲时间，我会听音乐，流行歌曲，和我的朋友去购物，有时候我会养宠物，也许会是一只色彩鲜艳的鸟。 它能让我开心。 暑假的时候我会去意大利度假。

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四世纪殉教的巴勒斯坦的圣艾德里安之花 凡是受到这种花祝福而生的人，智能又冷静，是最恰当的商讨对象 （两种花恰好反映了在网球场内外幸村两种不同的性格） 人生态度 座右铭：没有经历严冬就不能体会春天的温暖（另一意:不经一番寒彻骨焉得梅花扑鼻香) 委员会：美术委员 得意科目：英语、数学、美术 苦手科目：化学（药品的气味让人想起了医院的原因……） 在学校经常去的地方：学校的花园和屋顶庭院 出身小学校：南湘南小学校 兴趣：园艺 零花钱用途：园艺用具和书 有爱的事物 喜欢的食物：烤鱼 喜欢的电影：ゴダールの映画 喜欢的书：诗集（特别是法国的） 喜欢的音乐：勃拉姆斯第四交响乐 喜欢的颜色：水蓝 喜欢的类型：健康的人 想去的约会地点：美术馆（现在正好是印象派画展呢） 与真田的关系：曾在生病住院时感到绝望，而真田则给了他铁拳的制裁，幸村因而受到鼓舞努力配合治疗。与真田似乎是是最知心的朋友。 现在最想要的东西：雷诺阿的画集 每天要做的事：给种的植物浇水，Image Training 讨厌的事情：背地说别人坏话 网球之外的拿手好戏：水彩画，对动植物详细的知识 打球方式：全面 得意技：Yips（灭五感，剥夺触觉、视觉、听觉，从而使对手精神崩溃，全国大赛和越前的比赛中出现）、无我境界（真田在关东决赛对越前的比赛里提到过） 幸村领域 所谓“幸村领域”其实是手冢魅影（所谓的手冢领域是利用球的旋转将球吸引到自己身边，而幸村领域则是将打到自己这一方的球排斥出界外）；“秘球”到现在为止还没有出现

初中英语作文-我未来的打算(My future plan)

初中英语作文 我未来的打算(My future plan) 提纲： 1、以MY Future plan为题目，100字左右 2、我决定大学毕业后当一名中学教师，这是我孩提时代的梦想 3、我很喜欢教师在个职业，与中学生在一起可以使自己永保青春 4、我国师资力量缺乏，主要原因是教师工作辛苦，收入低。想当老师的人很少，所以需要大批有志青年献身教育事业 [范文] I decided to be a middle teacher after college. There are many reasons contribute to this decision. Firstly, when I was a little/boy, I have been dreaming of being a teacher. It seemed so fascinate to me and I hope I can make my dream come true. And, I like so much to be with middle school students. Most of the students at that age are full of youthful spirity and I am sure their passion would pass to me. I will retain

all the zest of adolescence. https://www.sodocs.net/doc/357971186.html, The most important reason is that our country needs plenty of teachers. So far, teaching is considered a tough and low-income job in China. However, if we have not enough teachers, our future will lack of excellent scientist, managers, businessmen, soldiers and even goood workers and farmers. How can our country to be strong and wealthy? I wish my country to be a better one. I am ready to be a teacher and hope all the persons with lofty ideals may dedicate themselves to this meaningful career提

My Future 英语作文

My Future Everyone has the future, also include me, I also have a dream, I will have a lot of change in the future, for example, my looks, my work, my hobbies, and so on, there will be change. I think I will have a long brown hair, I will be fatter than now, and I will higher than now, this is not I can decide. But I want to be a host. However, I would like to be an English teacher, because I like children, they are clever and lovely, and I can help children open their eyes in the world and I believe I can give them a good start. So I must learn English well, I can easier to get the job in the future, I will probably won't be famous. As for my hobbies, I would very much like to drawing cartoon characters and reading magazines. But in the future, I'll be more like skating and singing songs, because they are exciting and interesting, they can keep me healthy。 I hope my future plan will come true, they are very wonderful, isn't it？ 我的未来 每个人都有未来，也包括我，我也有一个梦，我在将来会有很多的改变，例如，我的长相，我的工作，我的爱好，等等，都会有改变。 我认为我将会有棕色的长头发，我将会比现在胖一点，并且我会比现在高，这都不是我能决定的。但是我想成为一名主持人。然而，我更想成为的是一名英语教师，因为我喜欢孩子，他们又聪明又可爱，而且我可以帮助孩子们打开他们的眼界在世界和我相信我可以给他们一个好的开端。所以我必须学好英语，我才可以更容易得到这份工作在将来，我将可能不会有名。 至于我的爱好，现在我非常喜欢画漫画人物和读杂志。可是在将来，我会更喜欢滑冰和唱歌，因为它们又是刺激的又有趣，他们还能使我保持健康。 我希望我的未来计划能够成真，它们都很精彩的，难道不是吗？

我的大学生活英语作文范文

我的大学生活英语作文范文 【导语】大学是提高学生和展现一个人能力的大舞，那么你的大学生活是怎样度过的呢?下面是由无忧考网为大家带来有关我的大学生活英语作文，供大家参考! 【篇一】我的大学生活英语作文范文 With time goes by, it becomes a bit hard for me to remember everything about myself at the first day of my college life. However, there was one thing for sure that I did feel quite excited and curious about my university. There is no doubt that students like me have struggled for a long time so that can be permitted to enter the university. Bringing with expectation, I got into Zhejiang Gongshang University. Generally speaking, it's an interesting and fantastic place for us to study and live in. Every day a series of outgoing people get into my eyesight. Curious and out of politeness, I'd talk to them heart to heart. Here I make friends with my new classmates from everywhere around China. What's more, time and weather permitting, I will enjoy jogging or playing basketball with my classmates on the playground, tired but happy. When staying in dormitory, I choose to read news online and sometimes watch a film for relaxing. However, a good student can never leave his study behind. When it comes to study, hard problems never upset me, instead they arouse me. Rather than ignoring it, I'd think carefully for a while and ask my classmates for help. To be honest, there are some things I don’t deal with properly. For instance, once I spent nearly a whole day playing computer games. Personally, we university students are already adults and it's our obligation to develop ourselves in college by learning new professional skills. Not until we take a right attitude towards our study and life can we win a rich and colorful experience in college. 【篇二】我的大学生活英语作文范文 In the first semester in college, I didn't relax and I still worked hard as I was in the senior school. I usually spent two hours in study at night and I went to the classroom forautonomous learning.But the difference is that I have many extracurricular activities. For example, I went to

有关未来的英语作文

有关未来的英语作文 Company number：【WTUT-WT88Y-W8BBGB-BWYTT-19998】

Our Future Nobody know what will happen in the future. And predicting the future is difficult. In the future I think people will have robots in their homes. There are already robots working in factories. And new robots will have many different shaps. People won’t usu money. Everything will be free. Many people will keep many different pets, like snakes or spiders .Kids won’t go to school they will study at home on computer. Books will only be on computers.,not on will be more computers and more free time. And people will live to be 200 years. In the world,there will be more people and more cars. Maybe there will be less pollution and world will be more beautiful.

My-Future-英语作文

My Future Everyone has the future, also including me. I also have a dream. I will have a lot of changes in the future, such as my looks, my job, my hobbies, and so on. I think I will have long brown hair and I will be fatter than now, and I will taller than now, this is not I can decide. But I want to be a host. However, I would like to be an English teacher, because I like children, they are clever and lovely, and I can help children open their eyes in the world and I believe I can give them a good start. So I must learn English well, I can easier to get the job in the future, I will probably won't be famous. As for my hobbies, I would very much like to drawing cartoon characters and reading magazines. But in the future, I'll be more like skating and singing songs, because they are exciting

作文范文之大学生活计划英语作文

作文范文之大学生活计划英语作文

大学生活计划英语作文 【篇一：我眼中的大学生活的英语作文(1)第期】 我眼中的大学生活的英语作文.txt 大学是人生的关键阶段。这是因为，进入大学是你终于放下高考的重担，第一次开始追逐自己的理想、兴趣。这是你离开家庭生活，第一次独立参与团体和社会生活。这是你不再单纯地学习或背诵书本上的理论知识，第一次有机会在学习理论的同时亲身实践。这是你第一次不再由父母安排生活和学习中的一切，而是有足够的自由处置生活和学习中遇到的各类问题，支配所有属于自己的时间。 大学是人生的关键阶段。这是因为，这是你一生中最后一次有机会系统性地接受教育。这是你最后一次能够全心建立你的知识基础。这可能是你最后一次可以将大段时间用于学习的人生阶段，也可能是最后一次可以拥有较高的可塑性、集中精力充实自我的成长历程。这也许是你最后一次能在相对宽容的，可以置身其中学习为人处世之道的理想环境。 大学的生活，不仅仅是我们学习了理论知识和专业知识的时光，也是我们培养自己综合能力的时光，如果你能充分利用自己的这段时光，会感到自己的大学时光没有白白流逝，就会感到自己学有所成。就会以全新的姿态去适应未来的社会，在社会的大海洋中游刃有余，创造自己的人生价值。独立地健康地向前发展，为社会和国家做出贡献。 to be frank,the university life is not only the period for us to learn the professional knowledge,but also the period for us to develop our comprehensive abilities.if we can make full use of thus period,we wont treat it as a waste of time and we do have learnt something.as a result,we are able to get use to society

28部好看的动漫

NO.1 《海贼王》 推荐理由：为梦想踏上伟大航路的海贼 《one piece》（中译《海贼王》/海盗路飞）是尾田荣一郎在《周刊少年JUMP》上连载的漫画财富，权力，地位，曾经拥有一切的“海贼王”哥尔·D·罗杰，在临死前留下了一句话，让全世界的人们，趋之若鹜奔向大海：“想要我的财富吗？那就去找吧，我的一切都在那里，在那伟大的航道！”于是所有的男子汉们开始起航，驶入伟大航路，世界[1]迎来了『大海贼时代』，蒙奇·D·路飞正是这样来到大海，追逐梦想。 财富，权力，地位，曾经拥有一切的“海贼王”哥尔·D·罗杰，在临死前留下了一句话，让全世界的人们，趋之若鹜奔向大海：“想要我的财富吗？那就去找吧，我的一切都在那里，在那伟大的航道！”于是所有的男子汉们开始起航，驶入伟大航路，世界[1]迎来了『大海贼时代』，蒙奇·D·路飞正是这样来到大海，追逐梦想。 NO.2 《火影忍者》 推荐理由：最强忍着的热血成长史 《火影忍者》是日本漫画家岸本齐史的代表作，作品于1999年开始在《周刊少年JUMP》上连载。故事成功地将原本隐藏在黑暗中，用世界上最强大的毅力和最艰辛的努力去做最密不可宣和隐讳残酷的事情的忍者，描绘成了太阳下最值得骄傲最光明无限的的职业。在这个忍者的世界中，每一位年轻的主人翁都在开拓着属于自己的忍道。 以前参加诗社有一位朋友看过此动漫，曾热泪盈眶的说火影所伴随她的成长，由此可知火影的影响力了。 NO.3 《名侦探柯南》 推荐理由：史上最经典的推理悬疑动画 （日文：名探侦コナン；英文：Detective Conan、Case Closed），是日本推理漫画大师青山刚昌的作品，1994年1月在日本小学馆的漫画周刊《周刊少年SUNDAY》第5号起开始连载，1994年6月单行本第一册出版，1996年1月TV版动画播出，1997年4月第一部剧场版公映。自1994年问世后，至今已经连载了18年，却依然经久不衰，堪称动漫界的一大奇迹。目前仍在连载中。销量：2003年漫画单行本日本本土发行量突破1亿册；截至2012年，漫画单行本销量突破1亿4000万册。 NO.4《死神》

future关于未来的英语

A bright future WORDS 1.Prosperous ['pr?sp?r?s] adj. 繁荣的；兴旺的 Very lively and profitable ?The once prosperous area is filled with trash and swage sewage and lacks electricity . 这个曾经繁荣的地方充斥着垃圾和污水，而且供电不足。 2. Aptitude ['?ptitju: d] inherent ability n. 天资；自然倾向；适宜 ?Your attitude , not your aptitude , will

determine your altitude . 你的态度，而不是你的天资，决定了你的高度！ 3. Inclination [, inkli’nei??n] n. 倾向，爱好；斜坡 An attitude of mind especially one that favors one alternative over others ?How do you pursue your inclination towards creating a pleasant , stress-free work environment and not be taken for granted or bullied ? 你怎样按自己的想法创造一个愉快、宽松的工作环境而不要被别人认为你总是想当然或为人蛮横?。 4.pastoral ['pɑ:sterol, 'pass-] used of idealized country life adj. 牧师的；牧人的；田园生活的；乡村的 n. 牧歌；田园诗；田园景色 ?Breezing through a hallway painted with pastoral images of mountains and birds, she enters another world .

英语作文My future

提纲： 1、以MYFutureplan为题目，100字左右 2、我决定大学毕业后当一名中学教师，这是我孩提时代的梦想 3、我很喜欢教师在个职业，与中学生在一起可以使自己永保青春 4、我国师资力量缺乏，主要原因是教师工作辛苦，收入低。想当老师的人很少，所以需要大批有 [ manyfriends. Iamdeterminedtomakemydreamscometrue.Iknowitwon'tbeeasy,butwhenIdomakemydreams cometrue,I'llbethehappiestpersonintheworld. MyFuture In10years,IthinkIwillbeadoctor.IthinkIwillliveNingBo.BecauseIwasborninthere.SoIlikeitverymuch. Asadoctor,Imusttrymybesttohelppatient.AndIthinkIwillliveinanapartmentwithmybestfriends.Iwilha vealovelydog.BecauseIlikedogsverymuch.Iwilprobablysmimmingeveryday.IthinkIwillgotoShangh aionmyvacation,andonedayImightevenvisitGreece.

Asthesonggoes“Myfutureisn’tadream.”Ilovethesongwhichbringsmeconfidencewhensingingitever ytime.Ibelievethatallourdreamscancometrueifwehavecouragetopursuethem.WhenIwasyoungmyf atheralwaysaskedmewhatIwouldbeinthefuture.SometimesIfounditveryhardtogiveacertainreply.“I wanttobeadoctor.”“Iwanttobeateacher.”and“I’dliketobeascientist!”Manyoftheseanswersareperhap sverychildishandridiculous.ButIneverthinktheyarefaraway. Howtimeflies!Whoisabletogiveadefinitiontohisfuture?Iknowclearlythatthosehighbuildings arebasedonsolidfoundation.Asastudent,Ishouldhaveareasonableaim,andstudyhard.Mygoalist oenterthebestuniversityforfurth erstudyaftermiddleschool.Iknowit’shardwork,andI’llco meacrossmanydifficultiesandfrustrations.Butnomatterwhattheyare,I’llkeepworkingonitan dnevergiveup.Myteachersaysthere’sonlyonekindofpeoplethataretrulysuccessful:thosewhoa rebraveenoughtoputupwithhardships.Ev enifIwon’tachievethegoal,IhavenoregretsforwhatIh 如果我有 也

我的大学生活英语作文范文三篇

我的大学生活英语作文范文三篇 It has been two years since I first got to university. Some of my classmates say that the college life is boring, because they have plenty of time but do not know what to do. However, from my point of view, the campus life in college is interesting and colorful as long as you make it meaningful. 距我第一次去上大学已经两年了。 我有的同学说大学生活很无聊，因为他们有很多时间却不知道做什么。但是，在我看来，只要你把它变得有意义，大学校园生活是有趣且丰富多彩的。 In the first semester in college, I didn't relax and I still worked hard as I was in the senior school. I usually spent two hours in study at night and I went to the classroom forautonomous learning.But the difference is that I have many extracurricular activities. For example, I went to the English Corner regularly on Tuesday night, in which I could practice my spoken English and make friends with common interests. 大学第一个学期，我没有放松，仍然像在高中一样努力学习。晚上我经常花两个小时学习，我会到教室自习。但是不同的是我有很多课外活动。比如，我每周二晚上都去英语角，在那我能够练习我的口语，和有共同兴趣的人交朋友。 Besides, I join the Student Union of my department. In the Student Union, I have a group of workmates who work hard together and support to each other. Actually, it looks like a big, warm family that we can share our lives together. During

英语作文：关于未来 About the Future

英语作文：关于未来About the Future I have studied for so many years. I believe that going to college can open the new chapter of my life. Now the future is so close to me. I will go to college in six months, so I focus all my attention and fight for my future. When my classmates and I talked about future, I told them that I wanted to be a teacher. On the one hand, I could pass the knowledge to the students, making contribution to the society and found my value. On the other hand, I could enjoy the long vacation to explore the world. When I was very small, I read a lot of travel books. I always wanted to travel around the world and broaden my vision. So even I would become a college student, I still needed to study hard. 我已经去学校学习了很多年了，我相信上大学可以开启我人生的新篇章。现在这样的未来离我很近了，因为六个月后我就要上大学了，所以我会全力以赴，为我的未来而奋斗。当我和同学谈论未来时，我告诉他们我想成为一名老师。一方面，我可以把知识传授给学生，为社会做贡献，发现自己的价值。另一方面，我可以享受漫长的假期去探索这个世界。在我很小的时候，我看了很多旅游书籍。我总想环游世界，开阔眼界。所以即使我成为一名大学生了，我仍然需要努力学习。

英语作文 My future

to make the future,but not wait for it What do I want to do when I'm older ? Someone wants to be a doctor. Someone wants to be a basketball player because they are good at sport. Someone wants to be a writer and to make the writing. Someone wants to be a teacher because they like teaching children. I earnestly hope to lead a healthy and prosperous life in the future. Judging from my aptitude inclination and personality streaks, my ideal life will be that of a scientist, researching, lecturing, and writing books. As I am from a small city, I particularly enjoy being close to earth. If I can afford to live a pastoral life in the countryside, I will feel most blessed. As far as social life is concerned, simplicity is what I intend to pursue, so I really don't need too many friends. To attain my goal, I must make a point of training my body and mind. This is a highly competitive society in which everyone is eager to come out on top. That is not only a competition of physical strength and mental power, but a marathon of patience, faith, and perseverance. Although I am not a scientist now，and I am still far away from my dream。But,i has been work haid to make the future,but not wait for it Now I’m a Postgraduate on Grade One,My dream is also that although at present I’m good at study,I’ll still try my best to be the study winner.Now everything I do is close to my dream.I feel life is fill with hope and is colorful,and I have enough confidence to realize my dream.