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我有一个梦想 课文解读

我有一个梦想

关于练习

一、“我有一个梦想”中的梦想包含哪些内容?试用自己的话加以概括。

设题意图:引导学生理清课文思路,深入理解文章的内涵。

参考答案:

作者的梦想含义是多方面的,涉及到黑人生活的各个层面。首先,在政治上,作者希望美国的有色人种能享有和白人一样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利,有同等的地位和公民权,如选举权和被选举权等,而不是被作为二等公民备受歧视和压迫;其次,在文化上,希望得到尊重和理解,人们不再以肤色,而是以品格的优劣来评判他们,有和白人一样的受教育的权利和自由;第三,在经济上,有和白人一样的就业和发展的机会,而不是像现在这样被限制在固定的贫民区,贫困潦倒。

二、朗读第9至第14段,体会排比句式在演讲中的独特效果。文中还有哪些地方运用了排比手法?找出来并试着自己演讲一下。

设题意图:引导学生反复朗读演讲辞,体会排比句式在演讲中的作用,深入理解作者的思想感情。

参考答案:

本文一个突出特点是大量使用排比手法。如第2段、第5段、第10到13段以及文章最后连用6个“我梦想有一天”,都是比较典型的集中使用排比句的段落。这些排比句的使用,使作者的思想表达得更充分,更鲜明,更有排山倒海的气势和一泻千里的激情,更容易感染听众并激起他们深深的共鸣。

三、联系上下文,研读下列语句,回答括号中的问题。

1.一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且,意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

(这两句话用了什么修辞手法?它们从哪几个方面揭示了美国黑人的生活处境?)

2.美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。

(这里的“空头支票”指什么?这样表达有什么效果?)

3.有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。

(“这个信念”具体指什么?“交响曲”有什么特点?用在这里有什么深刻含义?)

设题意图:引导学生研读关键语句,体会其中的深刻含义和表达上的妙处。

参考答案:

1.这两句运用了比喻和排比等修辞手法,揭示了黑人物质生活贫困,精神备受歧视,没有安全感和归宿感的悲惨现实。

2. “空头支票”在这里是个巧妙的比喻。本来,自从林肯总统签署黑奴解放宣言,黑人在法律上就有了和白人一样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利,但现实却如此令人失望,就像空头支票一样,听起来不错,但没有任何实际意义。在美国这样一个商业社会,空头支票的内涵大家都非常熟悉,用它来作比,形象且易为人们理解。

3. “这个信念”具体指的是,作者相信总会有一天,美国黑人会和白人一样,拥有平等的地位和权利,人们不再以肤色而是以品格的高低来衡量黑人和白人,美国一定能变成一个真正的人人生而平等的国家。“交响曲”的特点主要是多重乐声合奏,在这里它寄托了作者的理想,那就是将来总有那么一天,白人不再歧视和压榨黑人,白人和黑人能像兄弟般地和谐相处,共同发展。

有关美国黑人的背景资料

1774年,美国的建国者们把奴隶纳入不予进口的商品之列,并直到1783年才废除了奴隶贸易。除两个州外奴隶制被完全废除──南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州──他们因惧怕经济受损而坚决反对。所有北方各州都已早早地废除了奴隶制──最晚一个是1804年的新泽西州。然而南方坚持1845年后加入联盟的新州可以保持奴隶制。

从1830年后,在北方就有一个坚定,但却不那么有效的声音在要求全面废除奴隶制。随后,1861年,11个南方州成立南部邦联,脱离主张废奴的美利坚合众国。南方和北方间的南北战争随之爆发。经过4年的斗争和超过50万人的死亡后,北方获得胜利。《解放宣言》通过了,奴隶终于获得了自由。

但那只是就理论而言。战争已过了一百多年,南方诸州仍抵制为争取给予黑人平等机会而进行的全国性的努力。南方的白人指责黑人导致了战争、失败和贫穷。他们的领袖试图保持其古老的生活方式和他们的“遗产”。而黑人则没有土地,受不到教育,没有丝毫改善的可能。

1865年4月林肯总统的不幸遇刺意味着失去了以新模式重建南方的机会。旧的南方领导人没有被排除在公职之外,“黑人法案”除最基本的民权和自由外否定黑人的一切。为了对付这种压迫,1866年生效的宪法第十四修正案规定了黑人作为美国公民的权利,使其得到在法律之下平等的保护。随后的1870年第十五修正案给予所有美国公民以选举权,无论他们的“种族、肤色或是否曾是奴隶”。

然而,北方或多或少在放任南方按他们自己的意愿对待黑人。其结果是,到1895年,实际上所有的黑人都没有得到选举权。在1890年三K党重建之后,情况糟到了极点;在1889年到1919年之间,有近三千黑人男子和妇女受到了私刑。

在20世纪50年代,当马丁·路德·金接掌黑人民权运动的领导权时,大多数黑人仍处于贫穷和低教育状态。每一次进展都受到阻碍。例如,虽然依据法律,黑人可以选举,但在南方诸州却设置了许多障碍──从繁文缛节一直到私刑,结果只有5%的黑人能够登记。

在金的领导下取得了巨大的进步。但在今天,金死了 20年后,种族隔离尤其在南方的乡村地区事实上仍存在着。法律声称现在已平等,但存有偏见的白人仍与法律背道而驰。饭店过去只对白人开放。所以当法律判定这样做违法时,饭店干脆关门大吉。在许多南方小镇上现在都没了酒吧、理发店或饭店。那些废除种族隔离的政府学校里只有黑人学生。所有的白人孩子都被带走,进了私立学校。

在某些领域确实取得了进步。在选举法案(1965 年)颁布前,在美国只有不到二百名黑人担任公职;到1970年是1469名;1980年4912名,1986年超过了6500人。这仅占美国49万名被推选官员的13%。现有289名黑人市长,28名妇女管理着超过五万人的城市。

贫困的黑人家庭从1959年的55%下降到 1987年的约31%;然而在1986年领取食物救济券(以此可以到商店换取食物)的人中,黑人占37%,有45%的年轻黑人要去救济所。1985年,黑人家庭的平均收入仅为白人家庭的55%,所有黑人家庭中有近45%要依靠妇女。1987年,“美国黑人状况”称在北方各州黑人的失DF”?业情况:“在诸如底特律、布法罗、芝加哥及克里弗兰等城市,在劳动市场上,黑人,尤其是黑人男性──同白人相比其收入差距可能超过了南方种族歧视最为严重的城市里的最高记录。”

而在另一方面是不容置疑的成功例子──比尔·科斯比在1987年是全世界娱乐业收入最高的人,吸引了8300万观众看他的电视系列节目,赚了近一亿美元。杰西·杰克逊是另一个成功例子──他是民主党竞选 1988年美国总统的重要竞选者。流行歌星如麦克尔·杰克逊和蒂娜·特娜的摇滚音乐会遍及全球。其他像管理人员克里弗德·R·华伦,前纽约州立大学校长,成为美国最大的养老金基金主席及一名企业家,赫尔曼·E·瓦伦丁,是美洲系统管理委员会的主席和总裁。

最终,成千上万的普通黑人进入了中产阶级,获得了医生、律师、银行家、经理和其他职位。据估计到2000年,每三个美国人中就有一个是非白人──这包括亚洲人、西班牙裔人和黑人──凭着毅力、教育和更大的推动,马丁·路德·金的伟大梦想或许会在下一个20年中变为现实。

(选自《马丁·路德·金传》,汪群译,上海世界图书出版公司1997年版)

至于这些胜利之伟大,以及马丁·路德·金的努力成效之惊人,可以从以下事实略见一斑:美国白人对黑人的歧视,曾在长达三百多年之中被视为当然,被视为有理,所以问题远远不止是法律的禁止与否,而是人们的心理和观念的改变与否,后一件事情人人都明白是最难做到的。然而人们看到,在20世纪50年代和60年代,一些大学的白人学生暴乱,还仅仅是因为学校收了几个黑人学生;而在20世纪结束之前,白人却早已习惯了大量的黑人官员、黑人警察、甚至黑人部长、黑人军队首脑,更不用说社会生活各领域的黑人白人的共同活动,甚至已有了不少白人与黑人的通婚;而在21世纪开始之际,甚至已有黑人担任国家安全事务助理和国务卿!

补充资料一

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

his is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle

together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

补充资料二

美国黑人发起抵制公共汽车运动(1955年)

1955年12月1日,美国亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市的一名叫罗莎·克斯的黑人女缝工上了一辆公共汽车。她已经42岁,这天她感到很疲乏,于是,便找了个座位坐下。这时乘客满了,司机叫她站起来让位给一个白种男人。黑人给白人让座,是南部的老习惯了。再说,不听司机指挥也是犯法的。但帕克斯太太这时想了一想回答说她不让。

12月5日,她被捕了,罪状是行为失检;罪状成立,罚款十元。帕克斯太太的朋友熟人很多,都气愤极了;不出两天,已经有人在黑人区里散发油印传单,号召大家第二天全天对市办交通工具实行抵制。抵制活动非常成功,这使蒙哥马利黑人社会的一些领导人不禁想到了许多更深远的问题。这个地方的黑人一共25000人,占汽车公司全部乘客的75%。他们如果继续罢乘会是什么结果?到头来,汽车公司要么屈服,要么破产。

事情就这样闹开了。他们通知公司,如果不容许黑人按先来先占的原则就坐,那么他们的汽车就不会再有黑人乘坐了。这样过了几星期,双方互不相让,而黑人的意志也更坚决了。亚拉巴州其它地方都注意起蒙哥马利的局势来了,接着在全国,然后全世界都引起注意。隔离派的头目是蒙哥马利的市长W·A·盖尔。此人宣称

市政当局决不向抵制运动投降。他说,“长期以来我们总是一味谨慎怕事,现在该是打开天窗说亮话的时候了。黑人似乎有一种想法,认为他们已经把白人挤到墙角,非逼得白人屈服于他们的条件,决不罢休。”

站在盖尔对立面为首的黑人领袖是一个不出名的26岁的牧师马丁·路德·金。他1954年到蒙哥马利担任德克斯特大街浸礼会教堂牧师。南部白人把黑人牧师一向不大放在眼里,但金是哈佛哲学博士,一个有真才实学的人,布道时很少谈约旦河故事,却大谈苏格拉底、亚里士多德、莎士比亚、伽里略、汤因比的文章思想。他熔基督教义、黑格尔主义、甘地主义于一炉,合成一种新的哲学,教人从斗争中汲取力量,于痛苦处寻求和谐。甘地的非暴力不合作思想成了金的“精神力量”。他给他的信徒放映关于印度圣雄的电影,并对这次的抵制运动说了这样一些话:“这不是黑人白人在闹紧张关系。这完全是一场正义和非正义之间的斗争。我们不仅要改善蒙哥马利黑人的地位,我们的目的是要使整个蒙哥马利获得进步。纵然我们每天被逮捕;纵然我们每天受剥削;纵然我们每天吃败仗;也别堕落到对那些人怀恨在心的地步。”

这样僵待了三个月之后,市检察官终于拿出了一份1921年的限制工会的反劳工法。大陪审团竟以此为根据,对金和另外一百十四名黑人领导人提出控告。3月下旬,金首先出庭受审,罪名是“毫无正当理由或合法口实”,阴谋阻挠汽车公司的正当营业。

法官仍判他有罪,罚他1000元,并承担全部诉讼费用,这样判决的目的,无非是吓唬一下蒙哥马利的黑人,但效果却适得其反。黑人立即在法院外面的草坪上举行集会。一个黑人大叫道,“从此以后,我们决不坐公共汽车了。”一个中年的黑人妇女推开人群,跑过去对金说:“我的心,我的钱包都归你了。”会上决定当晚举行一次群众祈祷大会。

他们硬是不坐。汽车公司负债累累,汽车司机纷纷改行,要不就离开这个城市。黑人们当中有些人已经习惯步行上班了,有些买了自行车。为了解决其余一些人的问题,金组织了一个规模很大的汽车互助组,集中了二百辆车子。可是市长竟宣布这种活动是非法的,于是在罢乘进入第十二个月后,金和另一些黑人领袖便以未经许可擅自经营企业的罪名被捉了起来。正在州巡回法院审理这件案子时,忽然传来了惊人消息:最高法院,原已在公共场所和学校中推翻了“坐位隔离,地位平等”的原则,现在决定也在公共交通事业中予以取缔。这样,公共汽车上搞种族歧视就违反联邦法令了。马丁·路德·金自由了,而且成了世界名人。这场史无前例的抵制运动确实给了亚拉巴马州的种族隔离以毁灭性的打击。美国各地的黑人从中看到了新希望。这位年轻黑人牧师从此一跃而进入民权斗争最高领导。

罗莎·帕克斯事件后的第381天,这场抵制运动终于结束,金自己如果不去坐一次公共汽车,那他未免太不近人情了。他去了,司机问他,“您就是那位牧师先生吗?”牧师回答说,“不错。车票多少钱?”车费是一角五——比1955年的涨了五分——他把硬币塞进了收费箱,到前排找了一个座位坐下。事后他对人说,“坐这一趟,可真美啊!”罢乘一年多后黑人大获全胜而结束,马丁·路德·金上了第一辆公共汽车,在同车白人装出来的冷漠中,找了一个头排座位坐下。

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