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熊海虹主编《高等学校研究生英语综合教程_上》Unit7-Unit10课文翻译及课后练习答案

Unit Seven
ON HUMAN NATURE Frank and Lydia Hammer
我对人类的了解越多,对他们的期望就越低。和以前相比,我现在常常以较宽松的标准把一个人叫做好人。 ——塞缪尔·约翰逊博士
论人性 弗兰克,莉迪亚·汉默尔
1 Human nature is the basis of character, the temperament and disposition; it is that indestructible matrix upon which the character is built, and whose shape it must take and keep throughout life. This we call a person's nature.
1人性是性格、气质和性情的基础,性格正是基于这种牢不可破的基质之上的,它必须以这种基质的形式存在,并将它保留终生,这种基质,我们称之为一个人的本性。
2 The basic nature of human beings does not and cannot change. It is only the surface that is capable of alteration, improvement and refinement; we can alter only people's customs, manners, dress and habits. A study of history reveals that the people who walked this
earth in antiquity were moved by the same fundamental forces, were swayed by the same passions, and had the same aspirations as the men and women of today. The pursuit of happiness still engrosses mankind the world over.
2人类的本性不会也不能改变,只有一些表面特征才会变化、改善和进一步提升;我们可以改变人们的风格、举止、衣着和习惯。一项历史研究表明,曾经行走在地球上的古人们和今天的男男女女们受着同样的基本力量驱使,被同样的激情左右并有着同样的抱负,时至今日,对幸福的追求仍然是全世界人类全身心投入的事业。
3 Moreover no one wishes his nature to change. One may covet the position of President or King, but would not change places with them unless, it meant the continuance of his own identify. Each man sees himself as unique, and so far as he is concerned the hub of the universe, different from any other individual. Apologies are in order when Mr. Smith is mistaken for Mr. Jones.
3此外,没有人希望改变自己的本性,有人可能会觊觎总统或国王的职位,但不会和他们交换位置,除非那意味着他自己身份的继续。每个人都把自己看成是独特个体,而且,就他而言,他就是宇宙的中心,有别于其他任何人。如果有人把史密斯先生误认作琼斯先生,这人就该道歉。
4 Every man unfolds a distinct character over which circumstances and education have only the most limited control. No two people will ever draw the same conclusions from the same experiences, but each must interpret events and fit them into the mosaic of his own life's pattern. Human nature is ever true itself, not to systems of faith or education. Each holds to the structure of the mold into which the soul was cast at the time of its individualization. The qualities born in one remain as potentials wh

ether they have a chance to develop or not. Under pressure, or change of interest, they can partially or wholly disappear from view, tor considerable periods of time; but nothing can permanently modify them, nothing can obliterate them.
4每个人都表现出一种与众不同的性格,而环境和教育对性格的影响都极其有限。两个人从相同的经历中也不会得出相同的结论,但是两个人会各自分析这些事件并将它们融合到自己丰富的生活模式中去。人性总是忠于它本身,而不受信仰或教育体制左右。一个人的个性和他独特的天性在出生时就已经形成了,而且不会改变。一个人与生俱来的品质,无论是否有机会发展,都保持为潜力。在遭受压力或兴趣变化的情况下,他们会部分或全部地消失相当一段时间,但是没有什么能永久地改变他们,也没有什么能把他们抹去。
5 The constancy of human nature is proverbial, as no one believes that a man can fundamentally change his nature. This is why it is so difficult for one who has acquired
an unsavory reputation to re-establish himself in public confidence. People know from
experience that an individual who in one year displays knavish characteristics- seldom
in the next becomes any different. Nor does a thief become a trustworthy employee, or a miser a philanthropist. Nor does a man change and become a liar, coward or traitor at fifty or sixty; if he is one then, he has been one ever since his character was formed. Big criminals are first little criminals, just as giant oaks are first little acorns.
5人性的恒定性是众所周知的,因为没有人相信一个人能够从根本上改变他的本性。这就是为什么一个恶名远扬的人很难重建公众对他的信心。人们凭经验知道某一年中表现出无赖性格的人不太可能在第二年有任何改观。小偷也不会变成值得信赖的员工。吝啬鬼也不可能变成慈善家。而且,一个人不会在五六十岁的时候变成谎话精、懦夫或叛徒,如果那时候他是,那么早在他性格形成的时候他就已经是了。大罪犯最初都是小罪犯,正如大橡树最初都是小橡果。
6 Although man is potentially perfect he is far from being actually so. If he were actually perfect there would be nothing for preachers and humanitarians to do; no use for churches, schools, courts and prisons. Therefore while it is impossible to change human nature, it can be studied, controlled and directed, and this should be the supreme function of our religious, educational and social institutions.
6尽管人类有完美的潜质,但事实上他远远没有达到完美。如果事实上他已经是完美的,那么那些神父、教师和人道主义者便会无事可做;那些教堂、学校、法庭和监狱便会无所用处。因此虽然人性是不可能改变的,但是人们可以研究它、控制它和引导它。而且这应

该是我们的宗教机构、教育机构和社会机构的最高职能。
7 Man is perfect as a seed is perfect, germinally. The spirit is perfect, but when it inhabits human structures, it participates in the imperfections of the later; and during its association with matter takes on the mortal weakness, desires and limitations. But the spirit, the inner man, remains untouched and undefiled by evil. Only the outer man- the personality and the physical body- becomes imperfect, due to ignorance, wrong thinking and violation of the law of being. The outer man, too, was originally perfect, but man has so desecrated and abused it that today it is a far cry from the original model.
7人类在胚胎期是完美的,就好比一粒种子,在幼芽期是完美的一样。精神是完美的,但它栖居到人类肉体结构中后,便参与其中,表现出后者的不完美。在它与物质的联系过程中呈现出凡人的弱点、欲望和局限。但是精神,也就是人的内在,却仍能免遭邪恶的染指和玷污。只有外在的人——个性和躯体,由于无知、思想错误和违反自然规律而变得不完美。外在的人,原本也是完美的,但是由于人类如此的亵渎和滥用,今天,它已经与原型相去甚远。
8 Man's majesty and nobility are taken for granted, although his faults and weaknesses are constantly paraded before our eyes. Only when behavior deviates from the normal does it attract attention. The good neighbor, the conscientious citizen, the kind father and faithful husband pass unnoticed. But the murderer, robber or wife beater is singled out for ublicity, because such conduct is unusual.
8人们想当然地认为人类是伟大和高尚的,尽管他的过错和弱点不断地暴露在我们面前。只有当人类行为偏离常规时才会引起人们的注意。人们对好邻居、良民、慈父和贞夫视而不见,但杀人犯、抢劫犯或殴打妻子的人却成为公众瞩目的焦点。因为这些行为非同寻常。
9 Man's inherent goodness, moreover, is revealed by his countless acts of heroism, unselfishness and sacrifice. Daily one reads of men saving others at the peril of their
own lives. One plunges into the surf and rescues a swimmer from drowning; another
dashes into a burning house and carries a stranger to safety; others snatch a child from
the wheels of death; many give their blood so that others may live. Countless unnamed and unrecorded men have given their lives for their fellowmen, not only on the battlefront but on the home- front as well.
9人类固有的优点还体现在不计其数的英雄主义行为、充满无私和牺牲精神的举动上,每天我们都会读到人们冒着生命危险挽救他人生命的事迹:有人跃入水中拯救溺水的泳者;有人冲进火场将陌生人带出险境;有人从死亡的车轮下救出孩子;许多人献出鲜血使他人生命得以延续。数不胜数的不知姓名、

不被记载的人们,不仅在战场上,而且还在战争的大后方,为了他们的同胞献出了生命。
10Human nature does not and cannot change but unfolds its inherent pattern. Man has a nature and its laws can be known. We can only endeavor to understand man as he is.
10人性不会也不能改变,它只展现它固有的模式。它有天性而且这种天性的规律是可知的。我们只能尽力去了解人类的真实面貌。

Unit Eight
It's almost a common sense that wearing a seat belt can keep passengers from being injured or being killed in a car accident. But recent research done by John Adams shows more complicated statistics. More car accidents are caused by the reckless drivers who wear seat belts.
THE HIDDEN DANGER OF SEAT BELTS David Bjerklie
安全带可以避免乘客在车祸中受伤或死亡,这几乎是常识。但是,约翰.亚当斯最近所做的研究得出了更加复杂的统计数据。当司机系着安全带时,他们开车无所顾忌,更多车祸因此而发生。
座椅安全带的隐患
大卫·布杰克里
1 Seat belts still decrease our risk of dying in an accident, but the statistics are not all black and white. In fact, according to one researcher, seat belts may actually cause people to drive more recklessly.
1座椅安全带固然能降低我们在车祸中死亡的危险,但从统计数据看,情况并不是那么绝对。事实上,据一位研究者说,安全带可能会使人们在驾车时更加肆无忌惮。
2 If there's one thing we know about our risky world, it's that seat belts save lives. And they do, of course. But reality, as usual, is messier and more complicated than that. John Adams, risk expert and emeritus professor of geography at University College London, was an early skeptic of the seat belt safety mantra. Adams first began to look at the numbers more than 25 years ago. What he found was that contrary to conventional wisdom, mandating the use of seat belts in 18 countries resulted in either no change or actually a net increase in road accident deaths.
2对于这个有危险的世界,如果有一件事我们还算了解,那就是座椅安全带可以救命。当然,它确实可以救命。但实际情况通常要更混乱、更复杂。伦敦大学学院的风险专家、地理学荣誉教授约翰·亚当斯早就质疑安全带能保证驾车安全的信条。亚当斯最早开始查看统计数字是早在25年前的事了。他的发现与人们的普遍看法恰恰相反——在18个强制使用安全带的国家,要么交通事故死亡率根本没有变化,要么实际上反而导致了死亡率的净增长。
3 How can that be? Adams' interpretation of the data rests on the notion of risk compensation, the idea that individuals tend to adjust their behavior in response to what they perceive; as changes in the level of risk. Imagine, explains Adams, a driver negotiating a curve in t

he road. Let's make him a young male. He is going to be influenced by his perceptions of both the risks and rewards of driving a car. The considerations could include getting to work or meeting a mend for dinner on time, impressing a companion with his driving skills, bolstering his image of himself as an accomplished driver. They could also include his concern for his own safety and desire to live to a ripe old age, his feelings of responsibility for a toddler with him in a car seat, the cost of banging up his shiny new car or losing his license.
3怎么会这样?亚当斯用风险补偿的概念来解释这些数据资料,这个概念就是:人们往往会根据他们意识到的风险程度的改变来相应地调整自己的行为。亚当斯解释说,假设一位司机驾车途中要过一个窄弯道,这名司机是个男青年,那么他会受到自己对以下两方面认知的影响:驾车的风险和驾车的回报。他所考虑的东西可能包括:能够准时上班或准时赶赴朋友的饭局、让同伴对他的驾车技术留下深刻印象、使自己作为熟练驾车手的形象更加巩固。他还可能考虑到自身的安全问题、长命百岁的愿望、对车上年幼乘客的责任感、撞毁自己的漂亮新车或驾驶证被没收的代价。
Nor will these possible concerns exist in a vacuum. He will be taking into account the weather and the condition of the road, the amount of traffic and the capabilities of the car he is driving. But crucially, says Adams, this driver will also be adjusting his behavior in response to what he perceives are changes in risks. If he is wearing a seat belt and his car has front and side air bags and anti-skid brakes to boot, he may in turn drive a bit more daringly.
这些可能的担心也不是孤立存在的。他还要考虑到天气和路况、交通拥挤的程度和所驾车子的性能。但亚当斯说,关键的是这个司机还将根据他对风险变化的判断来调整自己的行为。如果他系上了安全带,而他的车子带有前、侧气囊和防滑刹车系统,他驾起车来可能会更大胆。
4 The point, stresses Adams, is that drivers who feel safe may actually increase the risk that they pose to other drivers, bicyclists, pedestrians and their own passengers (while an average of 80% of drivers buckle up, only 68% of their rear-seat passengers do). And risk compensation is hardly confined to the act of driving a car. Think of a trapeze artist, suggests Adams, or a rock climber or motorcyclist. Add some safety equipment to the equation- a net, rope or helmet respectively- and the person may try maneuvers that he or she would otherwise consider foolish. In the case of seat belts, instead of a simple, straightforward reduction in deaths, the end result is actually a more complicated redistribution of risk and fatalities. For the sake of argument, offers Adams, imagine how it might affect the behavior of drivers if a sharp stake

were mounted in the middle of the steering wheel? Or if the bumper were packed with explosives. Perverse, yes, but it certainly provides a vivid example of how a perception of risk could modify behavior.
4亚当斯强调说,问题就在于自我感觉安全的司机们实际上对其他司机、骑自行车者、行人和自己车上的乘客来说是更大的危险(平均80%的司机系安全带,而同车后座的乘客只有68%系安全带)。风险补偿绝不仅限于驾车行为。亚当斯说,类似的还有表演高空秋千的艺人、攀岩者或摩托车手。如果在他们的安全等式上增添某种安全装置——比如说分别给他们一张救生网、一根保险绳或一个头盔——这个人可能就会试着做些平时认为很愚蠢的技巧性表演。因此,安全带并非简单、直截了当地减少死亡人数,而是对风险和死亡事故进行了更加复杂的再分配。为了说明其中的道理,亚当斯提出人们可以想象一下,如果在方向盘中间安一个尖头的木桩,司机开车时会受到怎样的影响?或者在保险杠上装满炸药呢?这简直是丧心病狂,是的,不过这确实提供了一个生动的例子,来说明人们如何根据对风险的判断来调整行为。
5 In everyday life, risk is a moving target, not a set number as statistics might suggest.
In addition to external factors, each individual has his or her own internal comfort level with risk- taking. Some are daring while others are cautious by nature. And still others are fatalists who may believe that a higher power devises mortality schedules that fix a predetermined time when our number is up. Consequently, any single measurement assigned to the risk of driving a car is bound to be only the roughest sort of benchmark.
5日常生活中,风险是不断移动的靶子,而并不像统计数据那样是个固定数字。除了外部因素外,每个人对于冒险都有自己内在的安全尺度。有些人天生大胆而有些人天生谨慎,还有些人是宿命论者,他们会认为,有一种更强大的力量设计了死亡时间表,预先确定了我们的死期。因此,对驾车风险做任何单一的测算所得到的肯定只是最粗略的基准数据。
Adams cites, as an example the statistical fact that a young man is 100 times more likely to be involved in a severe crash than is a middle-aged woman. Similarly, someone driving at 3:00 a.m. Sunday is more than 100 times more likely to die than someone driving at 10:00 a.m. Sunday. Someone with a personality disorder is 10 times more likely to die. And let's say he's also drunk. Tally up All these factors and consider them independently says Adams, and you could arrive at. a statistical prediction that a disturbed, drunken young man driving in the middle of the night is 2.7 million times more likely to be involved in a serious accident than would a sober, middle-aged woman driving to church seven hours

later.
亚当斯引用了这样的统计事实作例子:青年男子发生严重撞车事故的概率比中年妇女高100倍。同样,在星期天凌晨3点钟驾车的人比同一天上午10点钟驾车的人死亡风险高出100多倍,有人格障碍的人比一般人死亡风险高10倍。亚当斯说,假如这个人还喝醉了,汇总所有这些因素并分别加以考虑,就会得到一个具有统计性的预测:一位心理失常又喝醉酒的青年男子在午夜驾车,7个小时后一位头脑清醒的中年妇女驾车去教堂,前者发生严重交通事故的概率比后者高270万倍。
6 The bottom line is that risk doesn't exist in a vacuum and that there are a host of factors that come into play, including the rewards of risk, whether they are financial, physical or emotional. It is this very human context which risk exists. That is key, says Adams, who titled one of his recent blogs: What Kills You Matters- Not Numbers. Our reaction to risk very much depends on the degree to which it is voluntary (scuba diving), unavoidable (public transit) or imposed (air quality), the degree to which we feel we are in control (driving) or at the mercy of others (plane travel), and the degree to which the source of possible danger is benign ("doctor's orders), indifferent (nature) or malign, (murder and terrorism). We make dozens of risk calculations daily, but you can book odds- that most of them are so automatic or visceral- that we barely notice them.
6问题的要点就在于风险并不是孤立存在的,它会受到许多因素的影响,包括承担风险所带来的种种回报——无论是财产方面的、身体方面的,还是情感方面的。这正是风险赖以存在的真实的人类社会。亚当斯说,这才是问题的关键,正如他把近期的一篇博客题目定为《关键的是置人于死地的东西,而不是数字》。我们对风险的反应多半取决于它在多大程度上是自发的行为(如戴水肺潜水)、是不可避免的(如公共交通)、还是强加给我们的(如空气质量);取决于我们认为在多大程度上是我们能控制的(如驾驶)或是由别人控制的(如乘飞机);还取决于这种潜在危险在多大程度上是出于好意(如医生的指令)、无意的(如自然因素)或恶意的(如谋杀和恐怖活动)。我们每天要做几十遍风险计算,但是可以确信的是,多数时候人们对风险的计算自然而然或者说是出自本能,以至于我们几乎注意不到我们在做计算。
Unit Nine
THE HOUSING CRISIS GOES SUBURBAN
住房危机走向郊区
迈克尔·格伦沃尔德
在过去的五年里,弗吉尼亚州费尔法克斯县的住房价格增长速度是家庭收入增长速度的12倍.今天,该县中等家庭不得不将其收入的54%用于购买位于该县的普通住房;在2000年,这个数字是26%。形势如此严峻,以至于费尔法克斯县最近开始对年收

入90,000美元的家庭提供住房补贴;很快,这个数字可能提高到110,000美元。
1 Seventy years after President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared that the Depression had left one-third of the American people "ill-housed, ill-clothed and ill-nourished,"2 Americans are well-clothed and increasingly over nourished. But the scarcity of affordable housing is a deepening national crisis, and not just for inner-city families on welfare. The problem has climbed the income ladder and moved to the suburbs, where service workers cram their families into overcrowded apartments, college graduates have to crash with their parents, and firefighters, police officers and teachers can't afford to live in the communities they serve.
1富兰克林·罗斯福总统曾经说经济大萧条造成1/3的美国人住房简陋、衣衫褴褛、营养不良,然而70年后的今天,美国人却是穿着考究、营养日益过剩。但是,廉价房稀缺是一场日益加深的民族危机,而不仅仅是依靠福利为生的城市家庭的危机。这个问题已经波及中产阶级,并向郊区蔓延,在那里服务工作者及其家属挤在过于狭小的公寓里,大学毕业生不得不借宿在父母家,而消防队员、警察和教师在他们所服务的社区也买不起房。
2 Home ownership is near an all-time high, but the gap is growing between the Owns and the Own-Nots —as well as the Owns and the Own-80-Miles-From-Work. One-third of Americans now spend at least 30% of their income on housing, the federal definition of an "unaffordable" burden, and half the working poor spend at least 50% of their income on rent, a "critical" burden. The real estate boom of the past decade has produced windfalls for Americans who owned before it began, but affordable housing is now a serious problem for more low- and moderate-income Americans than taxes, Social Security4 or gas prices.
2住房拥有率接近历史最高位,但有房户和无房户之间的差距越来越大,有房户和房子离工作单位80英里远的有房户之间的差距也越来越大。现在,1/3的美国人花费至少30%的收入用于住房,联邦政府将这种情况定义为“无力支付”的负担,而有一半的穷打工仔花费至少50%的收入用于租房,这种情况被称为“极其严重”的负担。在过去10年里,房地产迅猛发展,这使得在此之前就已经购置房产的美国人大赚特赚了一把,但现在廉价房对中、低收入的美国人来说,是一个比税收、社会保险、汽油价格更严重的问题。
3 America used to care a lot about affordable housing. Roosevelt signed housing legislation in 1934 and 1937, providing mortgages, government apartments and construction jobs for workers down on their luck. In 1949, Congress .set an official goaljjf "a decent home and a suitable living environment for every American family," and in 1974, President Richard M. Nixon began offering s

ubsidized rent vouchers to millions of low-income tenants in private housing. For half a century, most housing debates in Washington revolved around how much to expand federal assistance.
3美国曾经非常关注廉价房问题。1934年和1937年,罗斯福签署了住房立法,提供抵押贷款、政府公寓,并为那些穷困潦倒的工人提供建筑工作。1949年,国会树立了官方目标——“让每一个美国家庭都能拥有一个体面的家和宜居环境,”而到了1974年,尼克松总统开始对数以百万计的低收入租户在私有住房方面提供租金补贴凭单。半个世纪以来,在华盛顿发生的大多数住房方面的辩论都围绕着一个主题:即应该在多大程度上扩大联邦政府的资助。
4 But for the past two decades, the only new federal housing initiative has been HOPE VI5, a Clinton administration program that has demolished 80,000 units of the worst public housing and built mixed-income developments in their place. The program has eliminated most of the high-rise hellholes that gave public housing a bad name and has revived some urban neighborhoods. But it has razed more subsidized apartments than it has replaced.
4但在过去20年中,唯一的联邦住房新提案就是HOPE VI,也就是克林顿政府拆毁80,000单位的最差公共住房,重建混合收入寓所来取而代之。该计划已经拆除了大部分高度危险的房子,它们曾使公共住房声名狼藉,并已重建了一些城市的社区。但是它更多的是把享有补贴的公寓房夷为平地而不是取而代之。
5 Overall, the number of households receiving federal aid has flatlined since the early 1990s, despite an expanding population and a ballooning budget. Congress has rejected most of President Bush's proposed cuts, but there has been virtually no discussion of increases; affordable-housing advocates spend most of their time fighting to preserve the status quo.
5总的来说,自90年代初以来,接受联邦援助的家庭数已经降到最低,尽管人口不断增加、预算不断膨胀。美国国会已经拒绝了美国总统布什提出的大部分的削减计划,但几乎没有讨论过增加计划;廉价房的倡导者花费的大部分时间都被用于努力争取保持现状。
6 And it's a tough status quo. Today, for every one of the 4.5 million low-income families that receive federal housing assistance, there are three eligible families without it. Fairfax County has 12,000 families on a waiting list for 4,000 assisted apartments. "It's golden when you get one—nobody wants to give it up," says Conrad Egan, chairman of the Fairfax housing authority. It sounds odd, but the victims of today's housing crisis are not people living in "the projects", but people who aren't even that lucky.
6而现状真是很艰难。今天,有450万低收入家庭享受联邦住房救助,还有3倍于此的家庭符合被救助资格,却拿不到

救助。费尔法克斯县有12,000户家庭在排队轮候4,000套救助公寓。“这太宝贵了,一旦拥有,没有人愿意放弃。”费尔法克斯住房委员会主席康拉德·艾根这样说。这听起来奇怪,但如今住房危机的受害者不是那些已经享受“救助计划”的人,而是那些没那么幸运去享受这个计划的人。
7 Some liberals6 dream of extending subsidies to all eligible low-income families, but that $100 billion-a-year solution was unrealistic even before the budget deficit ballooned again. So even some housing advocates now support time limits on most federal rent aid. The time limits included in welfare reform 10 years ago were controversial, but studies suggest they've helped motivate recipients to get off the dole. And unlike welfare, housing aid is not a federal entitlement, so taking it away from one family after a few years would provide a break for an equally deserving family.
7一些自由派人士梦想着对所有合格的低收入家庭都给予补贴,但是这个每年要斥资上千亿美元的解决办法很不现实,即便是在预算赤字再度膨胀之前也不现实。因此,即使一些曾经主张住房政策的人,现在也支持对大多数联邦租房救济金实行时间限制。人们对10年前福利改革中所涉及的时限问题有争议,但研究表明,这些时限有助于激励受助人摆脱对福利的依赖。和福利不同的是,住房救济金不是联邦所赋予的权利,因此几年后对一个家庭停止供给意味着给另一个同样需要救济的家庭一个喘息的机会。
8 "It's a no-brainer," says David Smith, an affordable-housing advocate in Boston. "You can't sustain the internal contradiction of no limits."
8“这是显而易见的事,”大卫·史密斯——波士顿的一位廉价房的倡导者说,“你不能让内在矛盾无限地延续。”
9 The root of the problem is the striking mismatch between the demand for and the supply of affordable housing —or, more accurately, affordable housing near jobs. Fifteen million families now spend at least half their income on housing, according to Harvard's Joint_CenterfOTHousing Studies: many skimp on health care, child care and food to do so. Others reduce their rents by overcrowding, which studies link to higher crime rates, poorer academic performance and poorer health; Los Angeles alone has 620.000 homes with more than one person per room. Other workers are enduring increasingly long commutes from less expensive communities, a phenomenon known
as "driving to qualify".
9问题的根源是廉价房的供需,或者更准确地说,工作地点附近的廉价房的供需之间极不协调。据哈佛大学住宅联合研究中心提供的数据,现在有1,500万个家庭至少把他们一半的收入用于支付住房费用;许多人为了住房甚至在医疗保健、照顾儿童和食品等方面节省开支。其他人为了减少租金

,居住条件极为拥挤,研究表明,拥挤的居住条件与高犯罪率、学习成绩差、以及健康状况不佳紧密相关;仅洛杉矶就有62万户家庭多人共居一室。其他工作者居住在较为便宜的社区,忍受着越来越长距离的交通往返,这种现象被称为“驾驶以保生活质量”。
10 This creates all kinds of lousy outcomes—children who don't get to see their parents, workers who can't make ends meet when gas prices soar, exurban sprawl, roads clogged with long-distance commuters emitting greenhouse gases. "I don't think we're creating strong communities by forcing people into their cars four hours a day," says Cathy Hudgins. chairwoman of the housing committee for the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors. Affordable housing also helps make communities competitive; it's not clear how Fairfax can keep creating jobs if workers can't afford to live there.
10这造成各种不良结果——孩子们看不到父母;当汽油价格飙升、城市向外扩张、道路上堵满了长途通勤的打工者、他们的汽车排放着温室气体,劳动者根本就入不敷出。费尔法克斯县监督委员会的会长凯西·哈金斯说:“我认为如果我们迫使人们平均每天四个小时呆在汽车里,我们就无法建立强大的社区。”廉价房也可以使社区具有竞争力;如果打工者没钱住在那里,我们还真不知道费尔法克斯县怎能一直创造就业机会。
11 The best thing local officials can do to promote affordable housing is to get out of the way—stop requiring one-acre lots and two-car garages, and stop blocking low-income and high-density projects.
11为促进廉价房,地方官员最好不要挡在路上——不要要求一英亩最小面积和两车位的车库、不要阻止低收入和高密度的项目。
12 Washington politicians, on the other hand, have the federal budget at their disposal. But Congress hasn't supported new construction since the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit of 1986, which creates nearly 100,000 units of affordable housing a year, enough to replace half the units that are torn down or converted to market rents. Bush proposed a home-ownership tax credit during his 2000 and 2004 campaigns, but it turned out to be the rare tax cut he didn't pursue. A bill pending in Congress would divert a percentage of profits from federally chartered institutions such as Fannie Mae to a national affordable-housing trust fund8, but it seems stalled. The only affordability ideas with any traction at the national level are not really housing ideas; for example, one way to make housing more affordable to workers would be to raise their incomes—through higher minimum wages, lower payroll taxes or an expanded Earned Income Tax Credit.
12另一方面,联邦预算由华盛顿政界人士决定。但是,美国国会自1986年施行低收入住房税收抵免政策以来没有再支持过新的建设项目,该政策每

年造就近100,000套廉价住房,足以取代被拆除或被转变为市场化招租的那些住房总数的一半。布什在2000年和2004年的竞选中提出了房屋所有权税收抵免政策,这是一项极好的政策,但是他最终竟然没有实行。一项等待国会投票的法案可能会把一些联邦特许机构——如房利美——的利润按照一定的百分比转移到国家廉价房信托基金名下,但这项法案似乎停滞不前。唯一的用国家力量促进支付能力的办法并不是有关住房的办法;例如,有一个方法可以让劳动者更能够负担得起住房费用,那就是提高他们的收入——通过提高最低工资、降低工资税或扩大收入税收抵免等方式。
13 There is one clear solution to the affordable-housing crisis: a real estate crash. It's the one housing issue that attracts media attention—because it would hurt the Owns. But while an easing of prices could be devastating for lower-income Owns with risky mortgages, it probably wouldn't bring home ownership within reach for many Own- Nots. Prices have too far to fall; in 2000, two-thirds of the home sales in Fairfax were for $250,000 or less, but last year, fewer than one-twentieth were. And even a modest price slump could trigger a construction slowdown that would make shortages of affordable housing for moderate-income families even worse.
13解决廉价房危机的一个明确办法:房地产市场崩溃。这是一个能够吸引媒体关注的住房问题——因为这会伤害有房户。但是对于使用风险贷款的低收入房屋所有人来说放松价格可能是毁灭性的,另一方面对于无房者来说,它也不会带来居者有其屋的结果。价格下降还有很大的空间;在2000年,费尔法克斯2/3的房屋销售价格不高于$250,000,但去年只有不到1/20的房屋以此价格出售。即便价格小幅下滑都可能引发建设减速,从而使中等收入家庭缺乏廉价房的局面变得更糟糕。
14 Eventually, politicians may rediscover housing—not as an urban poverty issue, but as a middle-class quality-of-life issue, like gas prices or health care. Home ownership is often described as the American dream, but these days many workers would settle for a decent rental that won't bankrupt their families.
14最终,政治家可能重新发现住房问题不是一个城市贫困问题,而是一个中产阶级的生活质量问题,正如燃油价格或医疗保健一样。居者有其屋通常被称为是美国梦,但如今许多劳动者为了使他们的家人不至于破产,宁愿租一所体面的房子居住。
Unit Ten
ACADEMY IN TIMES OF CRISIS
普林斯顿大学校长在其任职演说中提到:与接受高等教育这项权利相伴的是各种义务。
危机时代,大学该扮演的角色
雪莉·M.泰夫曼
1 Today the academy holds a highly privileged place in American society because of a about t

he long-standing national consensus about the value of education. One of my predecessors, President Harold Dodds, said in his inaugural address in 1933 that "No country spends money for education, public or private, so lavishly as does the United States. Americans have an almost childlike faith in what formal education can do for them." That faith is based on a conviction that the vitality of the United States, its creative and diverse cultural life, its is national security and the robustness of its democratic institutions owe much to the quality of institutions of higher education.
1今天,由于长期以来美国人对教育价值的共识,大学在美国社会中占有得天独厚的地位。一位前任校长哈罗德·多兹1933年在就职演说中曾提到,“没有哪个国家像美国这样,不论对公立教育还是私立教育的投入都是如此地慷慨大方。美国人民对正规教育所能起到的作用抱有一种近乎天真的信念。”这一信念是在这样一个深信不疑的基础上确立的,即美国的活力、它富有创造性和多样化的文化生活、它具有惊人独创力的经济、它的国家安全以及它健全的民主制度——极大地依赖于其高等教育机构的质量。
2 Our society’s confidence in its institutions of higher education is expressed through the generous investments of the federal and state government in basic and applied research, investment that wisely couple support for research with support for graduate education. It is also expresses through federal and state investments that subsidize the cost of higher education for those who cannot afford to pay, investments by private foundations and charities who see collegesand universities as the best routes for achieving their strategic goals, and investments by individuals and by the private sector, who see universities as the incubators of future health and prosperity. In return for this broad support, society rightfully expects certain things from us. It expects the generation of new ideas and the discovery of new knowledge, the exploration of complex issues in an open and collegial manner and the preparation of the next generation of citizens and leaders. In times of trouble, it is especially important that we live up to these expectations.
2我国社会对高等教育机构的信心通过以下几点表现出来:联邦政府和州政府对基础研究和应用研究给予大量投资,这些投资明智地将对研究的支持与对研究生教育的支持结合起来;联邦政府和州政府对无力负担高等教育学费的学生给予资助;一些私人基金会和慈善机构给予投资,他们认为高等院校是达成其战略目标的最佳途径;一些个人和私人部门给予投资,他们认为高等院校是未来健康发展和富裕繁荣的孵化器。社会当然期望我们能有所作为以回报这种广泛的支持。社会期望我们产生新思想,开发新知识

,以一种开放和共同协作的方式探索复杂的问题,培养未来一代公民和领导者。当处于困境的时候,我们不辜负这些期望就尤为重要。
3 The medieval image of the university as an ivory tower, with scholars turned inward in solitary contemplation, immunized from the cares of the day, is an image that has been superseded by the modern university constructed not of ivory, but of a highly porous material, one that allows free diffusion in both directions. The academy is of the world, not apart from it. Its ideals, crafted over many generations, are meant to suffuse the national consciousness. Its scholars and teachers are meant to move in and out of the academy in pursuit of opportunities to use their expertise in public service, in pursuit of creative work that will give us illumination and insight and in pursuit of ways to turn laboratory discoveries into useful things. Our students engage the world with a strong sense of civic responsibility, and when they graduate they become alumni who do the same. This is as it should be.
3中世纪大学的形象是一座象牙塔,学者们远离社会进行孤独的沉思,不关心窗外之事——这一形象已被现代大学所取代——现代大学不是象牙构筑的,而是高度开放的机构,允许内外自由交流。高校是属于社会的,而不是游离于社会之外的。高校的理想,经由多少代人的铸造,旨在渗入国民意识之中。学者和教师必定要周旋于学院内外以寻觅运用他们的才能为公众服务的机会,寻觅能给我们带来启发和见识的创造性工作,寻觅把实验室的研究发现转化为实际应用的途径。我们的学生在从事社会活动时怀有一种强烈的公民责任意识,并且当他们毕业若干年后成为老校友时仍然会这样做。这些都是理所当然的。
4 The search for new ideas and knowledge is not and cannot be motivated by utilitarian concerns. Rather it depends on the ability to think in new and creative ways. When the Nobel laureate John Nash developed the mathematical concepts underlying non- cooperative game theory8 as a graduate student at Princeton, he could not foresee that those concepts would be used today to analyze election strategies and the causes of war and to make predictions about how people will act. When Professor of Molecular Biology Eric Wieschaus' set out as a young scientist to identify genes that pattern the body plan of the fruit fly embryo, he could not know that he would identify genes that play a central role in the development of human cancer. We have learned that we cannot predict with any accuracy how discoveries and scholarship will influence future generations. We also have learned that it is unwise to search only in predictable places, for new knowledge often depends upon preparing fertile ground in^obscure places where serendipity and good luck, as well as deep intelligence, can sprout. Freedom o

f inquiry, which is one of our most cherished organizing principles, is not just a moral imperative, it is a practical necessity.
4探索新思想和新知识不是依靠也不应该依靠功利主义动机,而是依靠以新颖的和创造性的方式进行思考的能力。当诺贝尔奖获得者约翰·纳什在普林斯顿大学读研究生时推动了构成“非合作博弈论”基础的数学概念的发展时,他可能根本不会想到这些概念会在今天被用于分析选举策略、战争起因及预测人的行为表现等方面。当还是一名年轻科学家的分子生物学教授埃里克·维绍斯着手识别决定果蝇胚胎身体结构模式的基因时,他可能不知道他会识别出在推动对人类癌症的研究中起到关键性作用的基因。由此得知,我们无法准确地预测科学发现及学术成就将如何影响未来一代又一代的人们。同时,我们也得知,只在可预知的领域来挖掘知识是不明智的,因为新知识往往依赖于在未知领域准备好肥沃的土壤,在那些领域,好运气同深奥的智慧一样能开花结果。我们最珍视的组织原则之一——探索的自由,不仅仅从道德上说是必需的,而且它也是一个实际需要。
5 Just as we have an obligation to search widely for knowledge, so we also have an obligation to ensure that the scholarly work of the academy is widely disseminated, so that others can correct it when necessary, or build on it, or use it to make better decisions, develop better products or construct better plans. In the days ahead, I hope that our country's decision-makers will draw on the knowledge that resides on our campuses, on historians who can inform the present through deep understanding of the past, philosophers who can provide frameworks for working through issues of right and wrong, economists whose insights can help to get the economy back on track, engineers who know how to build safer buildings, scientists who can analyze our vulnerabilities to future attack and develop strategies for reducing those vulnerabilities, and scholars in many fields who can help us understand the motivations of those who would commit acts of terrorism here and throughout the world.
5就像我们有义务广泛寻求新知识一样,我们也有义务确保我们的学术研究能够被广泛地传播。只有这样,别人才能对其做出必要的修正,或将其发扬光大,或依据它来作出更好的决定,开发出更好的产品,或构建出更好的规划。在日后的岁月中,我希望我们国家的决策者根据留存于大学的知识来做决定,咨询能通过对过去的深刻理解而洞悉现在的历史学家们;咨询能提供明辨是非原则的哲学家们;咨询能以其洞察力使经济回归正轨的经济学家们;咨询知道如何建造更安全建筑的工程师们;咨询能分析我们容易招致未来袭击的软肋并能制订出弥补这

些弱点的战略的科学家们;以及咨询能帮助我们弄清恐怖分子在我国及世界各地实施恐怖行动的动机的多个领域的学者们。
6 Let me now turn to the third obligation that we have to society: the education of the next generation of citizens and leaders. Princeton's view of what constitutes a liberal arts education was expressed well by Woodrow Wilson, our 13th President, whose eloquent words I read at Opening Exercises:"What we should seek to impart in our colleges, is not so much learning itself as the spirit of learning. It consists in the power to distinguish good reasoning from bad, in the power to digest and interpret evidence, in the habit of catholic observation and a preference for the non-partisan point of view, in an addiction to clear and logical processes of thought and yet an instinctive desire to interpret rather than to stick to the letter of reasoning, in a taste for knowledge and a deep respect for the integrity of the human mind."
6现在,请允许我来阐述一下我们应对社会所尽的第三项义务:培育下一代的公民与领导者。普林斯顿大学所提倡的对大学文科教育的见解,我校第13任校长伍德罗。威尔逊曾作过精辟的表述,我在开学典礼上曾诵读过他的雄辩的语句:“在大学里我们应当努力传授的,与其说是知识本身还不如说是做学问的精神。它包括:辨别正确推理与错误推理的能力,消化与阐释论据的能力,广泛观察的习惯,对于持客观见解的偏好,执着于清晰有条理的思维过程,本能地热衷于阐释内涵而不拘泥于推论的字面意思,对知识的鉴赏力,对人类健全心智的无限尊重。”
7 Wilson, and the presidents who followed him, rejected the narrow idea of a liberal arts education as preparation for a profession. While understanding the importance of professional education, they made it clear that at Princeton we should first and foremost cultivate the qualities of thought and discernment in our students in the belief that this will be most conducive to the health of our society. Thus we distinguish between the acquisition of information, something that is essential for professional training, and the development of habits of mind that can be applied in any profession. Consequently we celebrate when the classics scholar goes to medical school, the physicist becomes a member of Congress, or the historian teaches primary school. If we do our job well as educators, each of our students will take from a Princeton education a respect and appreciation for ideas and values, intellectual openness and rigor, practice in civil discourse and a sense of civic responsibility. During these troubled times, our students and our alumni will be called upon to exercise these qualities in their professions, their communities and their daily lives. By so doing, and through their leadership, their vision and their courage, they will help to

fulfill Princeton's obligation to society and bring true meaning to our motto, "Princeton in the nation's service and in the service of all nations."
7威尔逊及其继任者们拒绝这一狭隘的观念:即大学文科教育只限于为某种职业做准备。他们在了解职业教育重要性的同时,更清楚在普林斯顿首先应该培养学生的思考能力和洞察力,坚信这才最有益于社会健全发展。因此我们对以下两方面做了区分:对职业素质的培养有重要作用的信息获取和能够应用于任何职业的思维习惯的发展。所以,当古典文学家走进医学院、物理学家成为国会议员或历史学家执教小学的时候,我们便感到庆幸。如果我们作为教育家做好我们的工作,我们的每一个学生将从普林斯顿的教育中学会尊重和欣赏各种理念与价值、思维的开放与严谨、社交实践与公民责任感。在这困难重重的年代,我们将号召我们的学生和校友们在他们的职业中、在他们的团体和日常生活中实践这些品质。通过这样做,通过他们的领导力、洞察力和勇气,他们将帮助履行普林斯顿对社会的义务和实践我们的座右铭:“普林斯顿——为国家服务,为世界服务!”
Unit Seven
Task 1
1.A 2. C 3. B 4. B 5. C 6. A 7. B 8. C 9. A 10. C

Task 2
Step 1
partially unfold unselfishness/selfishness imperfect employee
proverbial refinement indestructible criminal mistake
alteration liar considerable traitor philanthropist
Step 2
1. indestructible 2. mistook 3. unselfishness 4. imperfect 5. alteration
6. traitor 7. considerable 8. liar 9. employees 10. unfolds
11. refinement 12. philanthropist 13. criminal 14. partially 15. proverbial

Task 3
1. So far as I'm concerned
2. should endeavor to measure whether predetermined goals are being achieved
3. has been engrossed in conversation with all night
4. draw conclusions from the results of a single survey
5. He had no friends nor acquaintances
6. did she tell him about the attack
7. as we had seen
8. that he had had a family himself
9. the problems you mention are inherent in the system
10. young people conscientious in their work/young people who are conscientious in their work
11. deviated from her custom
12. at the peril of your own life/at your own peril
13. taken on a new dimension
14. capable of looking after myself
15. in much the same way as it was 200 years ago
16. rescue the sailors from the sinking ship
17. Portugal participated in the war
18. due to our ignorance


Unit Eight
Task 1
Step 1
1. boot---e, m 2. bound--c, j
3. fatal--b, q 4. negotiate--g, n
5. net---a, f, 1 6. the odds--h, i
7. reward--k, o 8. vacuum---d, p
Step 2
1. boot (m) 2. vacuum (p) 3. rewarded (o) 4. reward (k) 5. net (f)
6. negotiati

ng (n) 7. odds (h) 8. odds (i) 9. Fatal (b) 10. negotiations (g)

Task 2
1. A. black and white B. in black and white C. black-and-white
2. A. on the scene B. sets the scene C. behind the scenes
3. A. make no difference B. make a difference
C. make any difference D. make all the difference
4. A. work on B. works against C. work out
5. A. spread to B. spreading out C. spread through

Task 3
1.A 2.B 3.B 4.D 5.A
6.B 7.C 8.B 9.D 10.C


Unit Nine
Task 1
1.A 2. D 3. B 4. B 5. C 6. A 7. B 8. A 9. C 10. A

Task 2
1. crammed (b) 2. balloon (a) 3. crash (a) 4. crammed (a) 5. crashed (a)
6. crammed (d) 7. ballooned (c) 8. crash (b) 9. balloon (b) 10. slumped (b)
11. trust (c) 12. trust (d) 13. liberal (c) 14. slump (c) 15. liberals (b)
16. trust (b)

Task 3
1)A 2) D 3) B 4) B 5) C 6) C 7) A 8) A 9) D 10) D


Unit Ten
Task 1
I.A 2. C 3. D 4. B 5. B 6. B 7. C 8. D 9. A 10. B

Task 2
1. underlying 2. immune 3. impart 4. imperative 5. vulnerable
6. diffused 7. foremost 8. scholarly 9. illuminated 10. eloquence

Task 3
1) deeper 2) contribute 3) explore 4) potential 5) how
6) productive 7) likely 8) produce 9) Nationally 10) dedicated








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