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外文翻译原文-父亲在孩子发展中的角色TheRoleoftheFatherinChildDevelopment

外文翻译原文-父亲在孩子发展中的角色TheRoleoftheFatherinChildDevelopment
外文翻译原文-父亲在孩子发展中的角色TheRoleoftheFatherinChildDevelopment

I

N C H I L D D E V E L O P M E N T F I F T H E D I T I O

N

The Role of the Father in Child Development

Fifth Edition

The Role of the Father in Child

Development

Fifth Edition

Edited by

Michael https://www.sodocs.net/doc/e38603578.html,mb

University of Cambridge

John Wiley&Sons,Inc.

C H A P T E R1

How Do Fathers In?uence Children’s Development?Let Me Count

the Ways

MICHAEL https://www.sodocs.net/doc/e38603578.html,MB

I T IS OFTEN claimed that psychology became a science in the second half of

the19th century,led in part by continental(mostly German)research on perception,psychophysics,and memory,Galton’s attempts to measure intelligence and establish the importance of heredity,and William James’s efforts to create a coherent theoretical edi?ce,which might guide the deriva-tion of empirical answers to age-old philosophical questions.For those who study the development of personality and social behavior,however,the key ?gure was Freud,who pioneered the close study of pathology as a medium through which to elucidate psychological functioning and spawned a pleth-ora of admirers and critics who constructed much of the popular and scienti?c psychology we encounter in books such as this.For example,we owe Freud credit for the proposition,now widely viewed as an article of faith, that childhood experiences shape subsequent personality and behavior, although Freud himself only shifted the focus from late childhood and early adolescence to infancy very late in his life.Similarly,it was Freud who placed special emphasis on the formative importance of parent–child relationships, although the speci?c mechanisms he considered have since been widely discredited.Furthermore,although Freud(and the cohort of psychoanalysts and psychodynamic theorists he inspired)published prodigiously from just before the turn of the nineteenth century to the time of the Second World War, the scienti?c study of social,personality,and developmental psychology really took off in the postwar period,initially dominated by social learning theorists who rejected Freud’s theoretical architecture even as they embraced many of the related beliefs and concepts,including those regarding the importance of parent–child relationships,although neo-analysts played a central role in the construction of attachment theory,which dominates parts of developmental psychology to this day.

1

2H OW D O F ATHERS I NFLUENCE C HILDREN’S D EVELOPMENT?L ET M E C OUNT THE W AYS Developmental psychology changed from a discipline dominated by theoretical analysis to one dominated by empirical research,much of it initially conducted in North America,in the years following World War II. This is often viewed as a politically conservative era,dominated by policies designed to put into the past the rigors and horrors of both the Depression and the two world wars by creating a new age of af?uence and opportunity. In practice,this involved championing the‘‘traditional’’nuclear family, dominated by a breadwinning father and a home-making,child-rearing mother,often housed some distance from either parent’s biological or metaphorical roots.Not surprisingly,psychologists embraced these values of the society in which they were reared and lived,so their initial empirical forays into research on children’s early development were dominated by mothers—as informants,as the cofocus of observations,and as the‘‘social-izing’’?gures about whom they theorized.Where fathers did enter the picture,their roles were often represented through the eyes and voices of their partners,or they were judged against the models of family function developed by family theorists who shared similar societal assumptions.In such a context,it was easy(if exaggeratedly provocative)to entitle my?rst essay on the subject:‘‘Fathers:Forgotten Contributions to Child Develop-ment’’(Lamb,1975).

Three and a half decades later,the scholarly landscape has changed dramatically.Thousands of professional articles have explored the ways in which fathers affect their children’s development,and the contributors to this anthology provide a thorough and readable summary of our contemporary understanding.My goal in this introductory chapter is to sketch some of the overarching themes that dominate the book.

FATHERS AND THEIR ROLES

W HAT D O F ATHERS D O?

It seems logical to begin this anthology by examining de?nitions and de-scriptions of fathering.What roles do fathers play in family life today?What taxonomies might effectively characterize fathers’activities with and com-mitments to their children?What do fathers do when they are available to their children,and why they do what they do?In this regard,a fuller conceptualization of fathers’roles and the origins of their‘‘prescribed’’responsibilities is warranted.As several contributors illustrate in this volume, historical,cultural,and familial ideologies inform the roles fathers play and undoubtedly shape the absolute amounts of time fathers spend with their children,the activities they share with them,and perhaps even the quality of the relationships between fathers and children.

In earlier times,fathers were viewed as all-powerful patriarchs who wielded enormous power over their families(Knibiehler,1995)and vestiges of these notions continued until quite recently.According to Pleck and Pleck (1997),for example,Euro-American fathers were viewed primarily as moral teachers during the colonial phase of American history.By popular consen-sus,fathers were primarily responsible for ensuring that their children grew

Fathers and their Roles3 up with an appropriate sense of values,acquired primarily from a study of the Bible and other scriptural texts.Around the time of industrialization, however,the primary focus shifted from moral leadership to breadwinning and economic support of the family.Then,perhaps as a result of the Great Depression,which revealed many hapless men as poor providers,social scientists came to portray fathers as sex role models,with commentators expressing concern about the failures of many men to model masculine behavior for their sons.Throughout the20th century,fathers were urged to be involved(Griswold,1993),and following feminist and scholarly cri-tiques of masculinity and femininity,there emerged in the late1970s a concern with the‘‘new nurturant father,’’who played an active role in his children’s lives.As Elizabeth Pleck(2004)explained,however,popular and scholarly discussions of fatherhood have long dwelled on the importance of involvement—often de?ned by successful breadwinning—and the fear of inadequate fathering.In contrast to earlier conceptualizations of fathers’roles,often focused quite narrowly on breadwinning,and later discussions focused narrowly on‘‘involvement,’’researchers,theorists,and practitioners no longer cling to the simplistic belief that fathers ideally?ll a unidimensional and universal role in their families and in their children’s eyes.Instead,they recognize that fathers play a number of signi?cant roles—companions,care providers,spouses,protectors,models,moral guides,teachers,and bread-winners—whose relative importance varies across historical epochs and subcultural groups.Only by considering fathers’performance of these vari-ous roles,and by taking into account their relative importance in the socio-ecological contexts concerned,can fathers’impact on child development be evaluated.Unfortunately,theorists and social commentators have tended in the past to emphasize only one paternal role at a time,with different functions attracting most attention during different historical epochs.

Focusing on fathers’behavior when with their children,much of the observational and survey data collected by developmental and social psy-chologists in the1970s and early1980s(e.g.,Lamb,1977)suggested that mothers and fathers engage in rather different types of interaction with their children,especially in Anglo-Saxon countries like the United States(see Chapter4).These studies have consistently shown that fathers tend to ‘‘specialize’’in play,whereas mothers specialize in caretaking and nurtur-ance,especially(but not only)in relation to infants.

Although such?ndings seem quite reliable,the results have often been misrepresented,and have led to overly stereotypical and unidimensional portrayals of fathers as play https://www.sodocs.net/doc/e38603578.html,pared with mothers,fathers indeed spend a greater proportion of their time with children engaged in play,but they still spend most of their time with children engaged in other activities.In absolute terms,most studies suggest that mothers play with their children more than fathers do,but because play(particularly boisterous, stimulating,emotionally arousing play)is more prominent in father–child interaction,paternal playfulness and relative novelty may help make fathers especially salient to their children(Lamb,Frodi,Hwang,&Frodi,1983).This enhanced salience may increase fathers’in?uence more than would be expected based on the amount of time they spend with their children.

4H OW D O F ATHERS I NFLUENCE C HILDREN’S D EVELOPMENT?L ET M E C OUNT THE W AYS However,comparative studies,in which fathers’interactions are con-trasted with those of mothers,typically focus on mean level differences in parenting activities,and often obscure other common patterns of parent–child interaction.By highlighting the predominant qualities of fathers and mothers,they may promote narrow views of fathers’and mothers’roles, thereby failing to capture similarities in the meaning or degree of in?uence parents exert on their children.In fact,both fathers and mothers encourage exploration during play with their infants(Power,1985),alter their speech patterns to infants by speaking slowly and using shorter phrases(Dalton-Hummel,1982;Golinkoff&Ames,1979;Rondal,1980),respond to their infants’cries and smiles(Berman,1980),even when otherwise engaged (Notaro&Volling,1999),and adjust their behaviors to accommodate devel-opmental changes in their infants’competencies(Belsky,Gilstrap,&Rovine, 1984;Crawley&Sherrod,1984).Sensitive fathering—responding to,talking to,scaffolding,teaching and encouraging their children to learn—predicts children’s socio-emotional,cognitive,and linguistic achievements just as sensitive mothering does(e.g.,Conner,Knight,&Cross,1997;Easterbrooks &Goldberg,1984;Shannon,Tamis-LeMonda,London,&Cabrera,2002;Van IJzendoorn&De Wolff,1997).Such?ndings suggest that fathers can and do engage with their children in many different ways,not only as playmates,and that they are more than role models for their children.

The broader,more inclusive conceptualization of fathers’roles recognizes the appreciable variation that exists both within and between fathers.Most individual fathers assume numerous roles in their families(including bread-winner,playmate,guide,caregiver),although fathers differ with respect to the relative importance of these diverse roles.

F ATHERS’I NFLUENCES ON C HILDREN

A second line of research on fatherhood examines fathers’effects on children and the pathways through which those effects are exerted.Which aspects of child development are in?uenced most,at what ages,under which circum-stances,and why?Three types of studies have been designed to explore this topic:correlational studies,studies of father absence and divorce,and studies of involved fathers.Here,we review these research methods and then examine direct and indirect effects of fathering on child development. Correlational Studies Many of the earliest studies of paternal in?uences were designed to identify correlations between paternal and?lial character-istics.The vast majority of these studies were conducted between1940and 1970,when the father’s role as a sex role model was considered most important;as a result,most studies were focused on sex role development, especially in sons(for reviews,see Biller,1971;Lamb,1981).The design of these early studies was quite simple:Researchers assessed masculinity in fathers and in sons,and then determined how strongly the two sets of scores were correlated.To the great surprise of most researchers,however,there was no consistent correlation between the two constructs,a puzzling ?nding because it seemed to violate a guiding assumption about the crucial

Fathers and their Roles5 function served by fathers.If fathers did not make their boys into men,what role did they really serve?

It took a while for psychologists to realize that they had failed to ask:Why should boys want to be like their fathers?Presumably,they should only want to resemble fathers whom they liked and respected,and with whom their relationships were warm and positive.In fact,the quality of father–son relationships proved to be a crucial mediating variable:When the relationships between masculine fathers and their sons were good,the boys were indeed more masculine.Subsequent research even suggested that the quality of the father–child relationships was more important than the masculinity of the father(Mussen&Rutherford,1963;Payne&Mussen,1956;Sears,Maccoby,& Levin,1957).Boys seemed to conform to the sex role standards of their communities when their relationships with their fathers were warm,regard-less of how‘‘masculine’’the fathers were,even though warmth and intimacy have traditionally been seen as feminine characteristics.A similar conclusion was suggested by research on other aspects of psychosocial adjustment and on achievement:Paternal warmth or closeness appeared bene?cial,whereas paternal masculinity appeared to be irrelevant(Biller,1971;Lamb,1981;Radin, 1981).By the1980s,it had thus become clear that fathers and mothers in?uence children in similar ways by virtue of nurturant personal and social character-istics(see Chapter4).Research summarized in this volume by Golombok and Tasker(Chapter11)goes even further,indicating that the sexual orientation of homosexual fathers does not increase the likelihood that their children will be homosexual,effeminate,or maladjusted.

As far as in?uences on children are concerned,in sum,very little about the gender of the parent seems to be distinctly important.The characteristics of the father as a parent rather than the characteristics of the father as a male adult appear to be most signi?cant,although some scholars and social commentators continued to underscore the crucial importance of distinctive maternal and paternal roles into the late1990s(Biller,1994;Blankenhorn, 1995;Popenoe,1996).

Studies of Father Absence and Divorce While the whole body of research that is here termed correlational was burgeoning in the1950s,another body of literature comprising studies in which researchers tried to understand the father’s role by examining families without fathers was developing in paral-lel.The assumption was that,by comparing the behavior and personalities of children raised with and without fathers,one could—essentially by a process of subtraction—estimate what sort of in?uences fathers typically had on their children’s development.The early father-absence and correlational studies were conducted in roughly the same era;not surprisingly,therefore,the outcomes studied were very similar and the implications were similar and consistent with popular assumptions as well(see Adams,Milner,&Schrepf, 1984;Biller,1974,1993;Blankenhorn,1995;Herzog&Sudia,1973;Whitehead, 1993,for reviews):Children—especially boys—growing up without fathers seemed to have‘‘problems’’in the areas of sex role and gender-identity development,school performance,psychosocial adjustment,and perhaps in the control of aggression.

THE DEFINITIVE REFERENCE ON THE IMPORTANT ROLE FATHERS PLAY

IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT TODAY

MICHAEL E. LAMB, P H D, is Professor of Psychology in the Social Sciences, Cambridge University, and has served as head of the Section on Social and Emotional Development at the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. His current research is concerned with the evaluation, validation, and facilitation of children’s accounts of sexual abuse; the effects of domestic violence on children’s development; the effects of contrasting patterns of early child care on children and their families; and the description of early patterns of infant care in diverse sociocultural ecologies.

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毕业设计外文翻译原文.

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204/JOURNAL OF BRIDGE ENGINEERING/AUGUST1999

JOURNAL OF BRIDGE ENGINEERING /AUGUST 1999/205 ends.The stress state in each cylindrical strip was determined from the total potential energy of a nonlinear arch model using the Rayleigh-Ritz method. It was emphasized that the membrane stresses in the com-pression region of the curved models were less than those predicted by linear theory and that there was an accompanying increase in ?ange resultant force.The maximum web bending stress was shown to occur at 0.20h from the compression ?ange for the simple support stiffness condition and 0.24h for the ?xed condition,where h is the height of the analytical panel.It was noted that 0.20h would be the optimum position for longitudinal stiffeners in curved girders,which is the same as for straight girders based on stability requirements.From the ?xed condition cases it was determined that there was no signi?cant change in the membrane stresses (from free to ?xed)but that there was a signi?cant effect on the web bend-ing stresses.Numerical results were generated for the reduc-tion in effective moment required to produce initial yield in the ?anges based on curvature and web slenderness for a panel aspect ratio of 1.0and a web-to-?ange area ratio of 2.0.From the results,a maximum reduction of about 13%was noted for a /R =0.167and about 8%for a /R =0.10(h /t w =150),both of which would correspond to extreme curvature,where a is the length of the analytical panel (modeling the distance be-tween transverse stiffeners)and R is the radius of curvature.To apply the parametric results to developing design criteria for practical curved girders,the de?ections and web bending stresses that would occur for girders with a curvature corre-sponding to the initial imperfection out-of-?atness limit of D /120was used.It was noted that,for a panel with an aspect ratio of 1.0,this would correspond to a curvature of a /R =0.067.The values of moment reduction using this approach were compared with those presented by Basler (Basler and Thurlimann 1961;Vincent 1969).Numerical results based on this limit were generated,and the following web-slenderness requirement was derived: 2 D 36,500a a =1?8.6?34 (1) ? ??? t R R F w ?y where D =unsupported distance between ?anges;and F y =yield stress in psi. An extension of this work was published a year later,when Culver et al.(1973)checked the accuracy of the isolated elas-tically supported cylindrical strips by treating the panel as a unit two-way shell rather than as individual strips.The ?ange/web boundaries were modeled as ?xed,and the boundaries at the transverse stiffeners were modeled as ?xed and simple.Longitudinal stiffeners were modeled with moments of inertias as multiples of the AASHO (Standard 1969)values for straight https://www.sodocs.net/doc/e38603578.html,ing analytical results obtained for the slenderness required to limit the plate bending stresses in the curved panel to those of a ?at panel with the maximum allowed out-of-?atness (a /R =0.067)and with D /t w =330,the following equa-tion was developed for curved plate girder web slenderness with one longitudinal stiffener: D 46,000a a =1?2.9 ?2.2 (2) ? ? ? t R f R w ?b where the calculated bending stress,f b ,is in psi.It was further concluded that if longitudinal stiffeners are located in both the tension and compression regions,the reduction in D /t w will not be required.For the case of two stiffeners,web bending in both regions is reduced and the web slenderness could be de-signed as a straight girder panel.Eq.(1)is currently used in the ‘‘Load Factor Design’’portion of the Guide Speci?cations ,and (2)is used in the ‘‘Allowable Stress Design’’portion for girders stiffened with one longitudinal stiffener.This work was continued by Mariani et al.(1973),where the optimum trans-verse stiffener rigidity was determined analytically. During almost the same time,Abdel-Sayed (1973)studied the prebuckling and elastic buckling behavior of curved web panels and proposed approximate conservative equations for estimating the critical load under pure normal loading (stress),pure shear,and combined normal and shear loading.The linear theory of shells was used.The panel was simply supported along all four edges with no torsional rigidity of the ?anges provided.The transverse stiffeners were therefore assumed to be rigid in their directions (no strains could be developed along the edges of the panels).The Galerkin method was used to solve the governing differential equations,and minimum eigenvalues of the critical load were calculated and presented for a wide range of loading conditions (bedding,shear,and combined),aspect ratios,and curvatures.For all cases,it was demonstrated that the critical load is higher for curved panels over the comparable ?at panel and increases with an increase in curvature. In 1980,Daniels et al.summarized the Lehigh University ?ve-year experimental research program on the fatigue behav-ior of horizontally curved bridges and concluded that the slen-derness limits suggested by Culver were too severe.Equations for ‘‘Load Factor Design’’and for ‘‘Allowable Stress Design’’were developed (respectively)as D 36,500a =1?4?192(3)? ?t R F w ?y D 23,000a =1?4 ?170 (4) ? ? t R f w ?b The latter equation is currently used in the ‘‘Allowable Stress Design’’portion of the Guide Speci?cations for girders not stiffened longitudinally. Numerous analytical and experimental works on the subject have also been published by Japanese researchers since the end of the CURT project.Mikami and colleagues presented work in Japanese journals (Mikami et al.1980;Mikami and Furunishi 1981)and later in the ASCE Journal of Engineering Mechanics (Mikami and Furunishi 1984)on the nonlinear be-havior of cylindrical web panels under bending and combined bending and shear.They analyzed the cylindrical panels based on Washizu’s (1975)nonlinear theory of shells.The governing nonlinear differential equations were solved numerically by the ?nite-difference method.Simple support boundary condi-tions were assumed along the curved boundaries (top and bot-tom at the ?ange locations)and both simple and ?xed support conditions were used at the straight (vertical)boundaries.The large displacement behavior was demonstrated by Mi-kami and Furunishi for a range of geometric properties.Nu-merical values of the load,de?ection,membrane stress,bend-ing stress,and torsional stress were obtained,but no equations for design use were presented.Signi?cant conclusions include that:(1)the compressive membrane stress in the circumfer-ential direction decreases with an increase in curvature;(2)the panel under combined bending and shear exhibits a lower level of the circumferential membrane stress as compared with the panel under pure bending,and as a result,the bending moment carried by the web panel is reduced;and (3)the plate bending stress under combined bending and shear is larger than that under pure bending.No formulations or recommendations for direct design use were made. Kuranishi and Hiwatashi (1981,1983)used the ?nite-ele-ment method to demonstrate the elastic ?nite displacement be-havior of curved I-girder webs under bending using models with and without ?ange rigidities.Rotation was not allowed (?xed condition)about the vertical axis at the ends of the panel (transverse stiffener locations).Again,the nonlinear distribu-

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