relationship between China and America

1.美国下届总统眼中的中美关系

US-China Relations Under an Obama Administration By Barack Obama

In the coming years, the United States and China face challenges that require fresh thinking and a change from the US policy approach of the past eight years. How the US and China meet these challenges, and the extent to which we can find common ground, will be important both for our own countries and for others in Asia and beyond. China has achieved extraordinary, sustained growth over the past three decades. Hundreds of millions of people in China live better now than most thought possible even two decades ago.

But as China’s leaders acknowledge, China must make some basic adjustments if it is to continue sustained, shared economic growth. China must develop practices that are more environmentally sustainable and less energy intensive, that boost domestic consumption as an engine of growth, that enhance the social safety net, and that encourage indigenous technology innovation. Otherwise, the country’s future performance may fall well short of its potential.

The United States has the world’s largest and strongest economy, but we, too, must make serious adjustments in order to be competitive in the 21st century. We must end the fiscal irresponsibility of recent years that has led to record high deficits and a record low national savings rate. We must invest in infrastructure, education, health care, science and technology. And we must break our addiction to oil and launch a historic effort to transform our economy by investing in renewable technologies, energy efficiency and the next generation of clean vehicles. These initiatives will help lay the foundation for broad based, bottom-up economic growth that benefits all Americans and helps strengthen US-China relations as well.

We know that America and China can accomplish much when we recognize our common interests. US and Chinese cooperation in the Six Party Talks on the North Korean nuclear issue over the past few years makes clear that we can work together constructively, bilaterally and with others, to reduce tensions on even extraordinarily sensitive issues.

More broadly, the United States supports and benefits from security and stability in Asia. We need to address the principal causes of regional tension. As I made clear in my congratulatory letter to Ma Ying-jeou on his inauguration, we support steps to build trust across the Taiwan Strait and improvements in relations between Beijing and Taipei, now more possible with good will by both sides than at any time since the mid-1990s. Reduction of tensions between China and Japan is in the interests of those two countries, and of the United States. We seek the type of stability and well-being on the Korean peninsula that can only be brought about by the complete elimination of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program and normalization of relations between North Korea and all the participants in the Six Party Talks. And finally, and critically, we need a strong foundation for a long-term positive and constructive relationship with an emerging China.

I firmly believe that an active, sophisticated and nimble US diplomatic, economic and security presence in the region is critical to achieving these and related goals. Our alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines and Thailand are

the foundation of the US security presence in the region and contribute greatly to regional stability, threatening to no one. Along with the forward deployment of our military forces in the Western Pacific, they are a necessary but not sufficient basis for a sound strategy to strengthen regional security and stability. An Obama Administration will look for opportunities to work with China and others in the region to foster an environment where regional stability and prosperity flourish. Asia’s economic and security landscape is changing, and this requires special attention to understanding unfolding developments in the region. But America’s interests in the vitality and stability of the region are enduring.

With this in mind, I want to address some of the key issues that directly involve our two countries.

Trade and investment undergirds prosperity, and the US and China have one of the largest and most important bilateral economic relationships in the world. Our two nations are the first and third largest trading nations, and China has in recent years been America’s most rapidly growing major export market.

I know that America and the world can benefit from trade with China, but only if China agrees to play by the rules and act as a positive force for balanced world growth.

I want China’s economy to continue to grow, its domestic demand to expand and its vitality to contribute to regional and global prosperity. But China’s current growth is unbalanced, and in recent years domestic consumption has actually gone down as a percentage of GDP. To increase internal demand Beijing will have to improve substantially its social safety net and upgrade its financial services sector to bring its consumption in line with international norms.

Central to any rebalancing of our economic relationship with China must be change in its currency practices. Because it pegs its currency at an artificially low rate, China is running massive current account surpluses. This is not good for American firms and workers, not good for the world, and ultimately likely to produce inflation problems in China itself.

As President, I will use all the diplomatic avenues available to seek a change in China’s currency practices. I will also undertake more sustained and serious efforts to combat intellectual property piracy in China, and to address regulations that discriminate against foreign investments in major sectors and other unfair trading practices. And I will work with the Chinese government to establish a better system for both countries to monitor products produced for export and act when dangerous products are identified.

As President, I will take a vigorous, pragmatic approach to addressing these issues, utilizing our domestic trade remedy laws as well as the WTO’s dispute settlement mechanism wherever appropriate. High-level dialogue among economic leaders in both countries is also important to achieving real progress. My approach to our economic relationship is positive and forward-looking: to remove obstructions to gaining the benefits of trade and thus to enable faster, and healthier, growth in both economies. Climate change is a truly common challenge and a long-term problem that must be addressed now. The United States has done too little on the issue, and I will work with the Congress and the private sector to change that.

The United States and China have heavy, if different, responsibilities to meet this vital challenge. For too long, however, each has pointed a finger at the other’s attitudes as an excuse for not itself doing more. That must stop.

The climate change challenge demands that the United States and China develop much higher levels of cooperation without delay. We are currently the world’s two largest consumers of oil and the two largest emitters of greenhouse gasses. As the world’s richest developed economy and largest and most dynamic developing country, our cooperation to reduce the threat of climate change can produce models, practices and technologies that will provide impetus to global efforts, including those to reach agreement on a post-Kyoto climate regime.

America and China have developed a mature, wide-ranging relationship over the past 30-plus years. Yet we still have to do serious work if we are to create the level of mutual trust necessary for long-term cooperation in a rapidly changing region. Each country has deep concerns about the long-term intentions of the other, and those concerns will not disappear of their own accord.

Cooperation on the key, enduring global challenges, such as climate change, can deepen understanding and enhance confidence. We also need to deepen high-level dialogues on a sustained basis on economic, security and global political issues. Our militaries should increase not only the quantity of their contacts but the quality of their engagement.

In the modern world, non-traditional security threats are looming increasingly large. These include the challenges of terrorism, proliferation, failed states, infectious diseases, humanitarian disasters and piracy on the high seas. The United States and China have developed some cooperation in each of these areas, but in some we continue to have real differences, about which we must be candid. In particular, I look to China to work with us to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, to halt the genocide in Darfur and to help reverse the slide into anarchy in Zimbabwe. Greater progress in protecting the human rights of all its people and moving toward democracy and rule of law will better enable China to achieve its full potential as a nation, domestically and internationally. China’s own people will expect, indeed demand, this. Such change will not weaken China, as its leaders may fear, but will provide a firmer basis for long-term stability and prosperity. China cannot stand indefinitely apart from the global trend toward democratic government, rule of law and full exercise of human rights. Protection of the unique cultural and religious traditions of the Tibetan people is an integral part of such an agenda.

Since the 1970s, America’s policy of engaging China has produced major benefits for both sides and for Asia overall. The US-China relationship has had its share of challenges, and new ones will inevitably emerge. Especially in a world of common security, where events in any corner of the globe can affect the entire planet, the world more than ever requires that every major country not only pursue its narrow interests but also accept its responsibility to pursue urgently needed solutions to these broader problems. My administration will seek to revitalize America and lead it to realize its full potential for constructive engagement in Asia and in the global arena.

驻中国的美国商会刚发表了两封美国总统候选人的信，信中主要谈及假如他们当选新一任美国总统将会如何处理美中关系。

但是似乎这两封信没有拿给我们多少惊喜，虽然迈凯恩在信中谈及到人权的时候语气变得十分强硬。而奥巴马这边就一如大家所料的一样，主要是对人权和汇率方面发表了自己的看法，但是很明显可以看出来，奥巴马的信是经常深思熟虑的，语气也没有迈凯恩那么强硬。

事实上，奥巴马的这封信更像是专门写给中国的权威人士和在中国做生意的美国商人。而其对手迈凯恩的信则倾向于把更多的焦点放在美国国内民众身上。下面是奥巴马信里面的内容：在未来的几年里，我们美国和中国都要运用新的思维方式去一起面对挑战，而我们美国也必须要改变过去8年里的那种办事手法。对于美国和中国，甚至其他亚洲国家来说，中美如何处理这些挑战，以及怎样找到彼此的共同点将会是非常重要。

在过去改革开放的三十年里，中国取得了惊人，持续的发展。数以亿计的中国人生活得到了很大的改善，远远高于20年前的预计。但是正如中国的领导人承认的那样，如果中国想继续保持可持续的发展，让所有中国人都分享到经济发展所带来的成果，中国必须做出最基本的调整。发展的同时应该更加注重对环境的保护，减少能源的耗费，大力推动国内消费，努力提高社会安全网，以及鼓励本土技术的研发。否则，中国今后的发展就会遇到很大的阻力。虽然，我们美国拥有全球最强大的经济实力，但是，在21世纪的今天，我们也必须做出调整，否则只会给残酷的竞争淘汰。最近几年来，美国创记录的财政赤字和低储蓄率的出现，告诉我们，我们一定要结束ZF这种不负责任的行为。

我们应该加大投资在基础设施，教育，医疗系统，科学和技术方面的力度。我们必须切断以往对于石油的过度依赖，努力把经济引导到可再生技术，提高能源效率，和研发清洁能源交通工具等领域上。这些措施将会为我们底谷的经济反弹打下结实的基础，同时也可以加强美中关系。

正如我们知道的那样，我们可以为了相互之间的利益而一起努力。过去几年美中两国就北朝鲜核问题而在朝核六方会谈上的合作就清晰地表明，我们可以一起作出建设性的工作，同时也可以减少双方在敏感话题上紧张的气氛。

从整体来说，美国一直支持亚洲的安全与稳定，并且也从中得到好处。我们美国今后会积极地找出引起地区性紧张的主要原因，并从这里出发去解决地区性的实际问题。

我在今年马英九就职典礼时发给他的贺词上清楚地表明，我们美国支持海峡两岸慢慢地建立起互信，逐步加强北京跟台北的关系。现在我们可以看到，两岸的关系比起上世纪50年代开始的任何时候都要好。

同时，我们也应该努力去舒缓中日两国之间长久以来紧张的局势，这样不仅对两国的发展带来好处，也会对我们美国带来利益。我们也努力让朝鲜半岛可以尽快稳定安宁下来，而要想实现这个目标，就必须完全消除北朝鲜的核武器项目，同时努力使北朝鲜与六方会谈成员国关系恢复正常化。对于我们美国来说，毫无疑问，与逐渐强盛的中国建立起一个长期积极的，有建设性的关系十分关键。

我相信，在亚洲实施积极，敏捷的外交，经济，安全政策对于我们美国实现上述以及相关目标十分关键。我们在亚洲的盟友，日本，南韩，澳大利亚，菲律宾，泰国，是我们对亚洲安全稳定做出贡献的重要基础。我们在西太平洋的军事扩张是更好保护亚洲地区安全和稳定的需要。奥巴马团队将会与中国以及其他亚洲国家努力寻找机会为亚洲地区的繁荣建立一个良好的环境。

亚洲的经济和安全情况正在发生着变化，而这也需要亚洲国家去了解该地区的演变发展。但是我们美国对亚洲国家活力和稳定的关切是不会改变的。也正因为这样，所以在这里，我想对直接我们两国之间利益的核心问题发表一下自己的观点。

贸易和投资都可以为一国带来繁荣，而我们两国已经成为全球最大也最重要的双边经济体之

一。美国是全世界最大的贸易体，中国则是第三大，随着中国经济的快速发展，最近几年，中国已经成为美国增长最快的主要出口市场。

我必须承认，如果中国能够在国际贸易上遵守规矩，并且为平衡世界经济发展作出积极的努力，那样我们美国和世界都会从与中国的贸易上得到好处。我希望中国的经济能够继续保持增长，同时国内消费需求能够提高，继续保持其活力并为亚洲地区和全世界经济作出贡献。但是中国现阶段的增长是不均衡的，我们可以看到，最近几年，中国的内需所占的GDP比例正在不断下降。北京方面为了吸引国际投资消费，正在努力提高社会安全网和改善金融服务部门，希望达到国际标准。解决美国与中国之间贸易不平衡的关键就是改变中国现有的汇率机制。中国认为的把人民币汇率降低，造成了中国经常帐户的巨额顺差，这样对我们美国企业和工人十分不利，而这样最终也只会让中国自己出现通涨的麻烦。

假如我成功当选美国总统，我会利用外交手段去努力改变中国现在的汇率问题。同时我会保证坚持努力地去与中国的盗版行为做出斗争。我也会改变一些部门对外资的歧视行为和其他不公平贸易。我会加强与中国ZF的合作，建立一套更好的机制去监管和确保其出口产品的安全。

作为总统，我保证我会采取强硬有效的方法去处理上述问题，例如；利用我们国内的贸易法律补救方法。而美中经济领导人之间的高层对话也可以为解决问题取得重要的实质性进展。我相信我对于两国经济关系的建议是积极和具有前瞻性的，我会消除一切障碍物，努力从贸易中得到利益，从而确保双边的经济都可以更快，更健康的发展。

气候问题已经毫无疑问成为一个大家必须正视的挑战，这个长期的问题我们必须现在就采取行动去想办法解决。我承认，我们美国在这方面做出的确实不够，我保证，我会加强与国会和私人机构的合作，努力去解决气候变暖这个重大的问题。过去的很长时间里，很遗憾，美国和中国大家都互相指责对方在减少温室气体排放上做得不好，习惯了把责任放在对方身上。我觉得我们必须立刻停止这种无聊的行为。

气候变化的严峻挑战要求我们美国和中国之间必须马上进行更高水平的合作。我们是全球石油消费最大的两个国家，同时也是温室气体排放最多的两个国家。美国作为全球最大的发达国家，中国作为最大，发展最快的发展中国家，我们双方的合作可以使全世界更多的国家为减少温室气体排放做出努力。

在过去的30多年里，美国和中国已经建立了一个成熟，广泛的双边关系。如果我们想在今后建立起一个双方长期的合作关系，我们仍然首先要产生相互的信任。每一个国家都会对其他国家的长期意图感到深深的焦虑，并且这些焦虑不会自动消失。

在涉及到地球利益的问题上，例如气候问题上的合作，可以增加大家的相互理解和信心。我们也需要就经济，安全，全球局势等问题进行更高层次的持续对话。

在当代，非传统的安全威胁正在不断上升。这些挑战包括恐怖主义，分裂主义，部分地区局势失去控制，传染病，人道主义灾难，公海海盗。美国和中国已经就这些领域展开了广泛的合作，同时我们之间也在某些问题上产生了争议，但是，我们会继续坚持自己的观点，不会偏袒。我希望中国ZF能够在某些领域加强与我们的合作，特别是阻止伊朗继续进行核武器的试验，制止达尔富尔的种族屠杀行为，帮助津巴布韦尽快解除现在的无ZF状态。

我认为加强保护人权的力度，加快民主的进程，规范法律的神圣性，可以让中国更好地提高其在国内和国际的声誉。而这些也是中国人民所希望的，虽然中国的领导层可以会对这些感到害怕，但是这些改变不但不会削弱中国的实力，相反，在长期来说，这将会为中国的稳定和繁华打下坚实的基础。中国不可能长时间与世界的民主潮流相反，中国ZF应该努力保护西藏的独特文化和传统宗教。

自从上世界70年代以来，美国对中国的外交政策对双边乃至整个亚洲地区都带来好处。事实上，美中两国已经一起分享了许多的挑战，但是，新的挑战也正接踵而来。特别是全球共同

的安全问题，在现代，已经没有任何国家可以独善其身，任何一个角落发生的事情都会影响到整个地球，我们在追求自身利益的同时也要更多的承担起责任，去一起解决许多广泛的问题。

我和我的团队承诺将会努力让美国获得重生，并且将更多地参与亚洲和全球的建设。

2.周文重大使在美国关于中美关系未来走向的演讲

The Future of China-U.S. Relations

H.E. Zhou Wenzhong

Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to the United States

New York, September 22, 2005

Dr. Desai,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Friends,

I wish to begin by thanking the Asia Society for its kind invitation, which gives me the opportunity to attend this luncheon and meet with so many friends, old and new.

Now, the relations between China and the United States are at an important juncture. President Hu Jintao and President Bush agreed during their meeting in New York City last week that China and the U.S. should strive to enhance mutual trust and strengthen cooperation so as to advance their constructive and cooperative relationship in the 21st century in an all round way. They have indeed pointed the direction in which China-U.S. relations should go.

In my view, in order to implement the agreement between our heads of state and push forward the bilateral relations, our two countries should handle the following questions appropriately.

First, evaluation of China-U.S. relations over the past 26 years

A brief review of the history of China-U.S. relations will easily reveal that the growth of the relations conforms to the fundamental interests of our two countries and benefits peace, stability and development in the Asia-Pacific region.

In the early days of our diplomatic relations, there was no inter-governmental cooperation agreement at all between China and the U.S. Today, we have over 30 such agreements between us.

In 1978, two-way trade totaled merely 990 million U.S. dollars - less than one billion - and mutual investment was virtually zero. Last year, our trade volume reached over 169 billion U.S. dollars.

China is now the most important market for U.S. industrial goods as well as agricultural produce such as aircrafts, fruit and soybean. Compared with only 18% growth of total U.S. export over 5 years from 1999 to 2004, U.S. export to China grew by 169% in the same period.

The number of U.S.-invested projects in China has topped 40 thousand, with a total paid-in investment of 50 billion U.S. dollars. Some Chinese companies have also set

up business in the United States.

As our relations moved forward, our two countries also grew rapidly.

The U.S. completed the transition from an industrialized to a post-industrialized country. Its GDP rocketed from 2.29 trillion U.S. dollars in 1978 to 11.75 trillion in 2004 and its per capita GDP from 10,294.5 U.S. dollars to 40,100 U.S. dollars. The U.S. became the world's only superpower after the collapse of the Soviet Union, with both its role and influence in the world strengthened.

During the same period, China continued to press ahead its reform and opening-up policy, realizing sustained economic growth and social progress and bringing about fundamental changes to the outlook of the country. From 1978 to 2004, its GDP grew from 150 billion to 1.65 trillion U.S. dollars, and its per capita GDP from 190 to over 1,200 U.S. dollars. Import and export total soared from 20.6 billion to 1.15 trillion U.S. dollars. China is making constant progress in building a democratic and law-based society and in various social undertakings.

Therefore, China and the U.S. can benefit each other, grow together and both emerge as winners. The development of our relationship is in the fundamental interests of our two countries as well as our peoples. It has and will continue to have the wide-ranging support from our governments and peoples. It is capable of removing the disruptions and moving ahead.

Second, broad mutual interests on strategic and security issues serve as the bedrock of our cooperation.

The world today is far from being tranquil. Human society is still faced with grave challenges in the course of its development. Armed conflicts and regional wars arising from territorial, ethnic, religious and resources disputes have been going on with no end in sight. Terrorism remains a serious threat. Environmental pollution, the spread of major epidemics and various cross-border crimes have brought new threats to people of China, the United States and the rest of the world.

As the biggest developing country and the biggest developed country of the world, China and the U.S. both have significant influence in maintaining peace and prosperity in Asia-Pacific and the world and in promoting global economic growth. In this new historical period, it is essential for China and the U.S. to work together for greater peace, stability and security in the world by continuing and deepening their cooperation on a host of traditional and non-traditional security issues such as counter-terrorism, non-proliferation, Asia-Pacific affairs, cross-border crimes and epidemics.

Our current cooperation on counter-terrorism and non-proliferation is effective. We are seeing a smooth running of our counter-terrorism consultation and mechanisms, and ever increasing areas and ways of cooperation.

In Asia-Pacific affairs, we are also cooperating effectively. At the Six-Party Talks a couple of days ago, the Joint Statement was adopted thanks to the concerted efforts of China, the U.S. and other parties. This is of major significance to peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

In the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan, in the Middle East peace process and on UN reform, we are having fruitful consultation and coordination.

On a host of global issues including cross-border crimes, HIV/AIDs, acute epidemics, and environmental degradation, we are making constant new progress in our cooperation.

Take a look at the trail China left behind over the past decades and you will see that China is sticking to a road of peaceful development, namely, taking advantage of the relative peace in the world to develop itself and working for greater peace in the world as it becomes more developed. China never seeks hegemony. China never dreams a "Soviet Union dream".

Here is what I wish to stress in particular. China is resolved to transcend the traditional development approaches that big powers took in modern history and the cold-war mentality marked by ideology. Instead, we are ready to work together with everyone in the world to achieve peace, development and cooperation among all nations. China pursues a national defense policy of a defensive nature. Our defense budget for 2005 was some 29.56 billion U.S. dollars, far less than all the major powers of the world in both aggregates and per capita terms. Taking the road to peaceful development is a historic choice of the Chinese people as this best serves our national interests. No matter how the international situation may change, we will steadfastly follow this road.

China's large population, weak economic foundation and regional imbalance mean that its road to development is strewed with numerous contradictions, difficulties and challenges. There is a very long way to go before we achieve modernization and the Chinese people become relatively well-off. Therefore, China is committed to building long-term and stable cooperative relationship with the rest of the world, the U.S. included, and working together with them to maintain and promote regional and world peace, stability and prosperity.

China respects U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific region and welcomes its active and constructive role in Asia. So do we believe that China and the U.S. are fully capable of cooperating more closely for a mutually beneficial and win-win result. Third, a mutually beneficial and win-win situation is completely feasible.

The 26 years of diplomatic relations have witnessed growing trade and economic cooperation between China and the U.S. Two-way trade has increased by over 60 times. Today, the U.S. has become China's second largest trading partner, and China the third largest trading partner and the fastest growing export market for the U.S. Such increasingly close ties have brought enormous and tangible benefit to our peoples and boosted global economic growth.

It must be pointed out that mutual benefit is the mainstream of our trade and economic relations. But frictions are unavoidable given the fast growth and large scale of China-U.S. trade.

We are ready to settle the trade disputes with the U.S. appropriately through dialogue and consultation based on the principle of equality, mutual benefit and common development so as to facilitate the sound development of the bilateral trade and economic cooperation. We attach importance to the U.S. concern over trade imbalance. It is our desire to open our market further to the U.S. products in accordance with our WTO obligations and work together with the U.S. side to reduce its trade deficit.

China will step up the protection of IPR, strengthen enforcement against various infringements in accordance with the law, and protect the legitimate rights and interests of the IPR holders all over the world, including in the U.S. Apart from being the biggest buyer of American soybean, wheat and cotton, China is also buying enough Boeing aircrafts to equip 70% of its civil aviation fleet. We will continue to import more from the U.S. in order to reduce our surplus. At the same time, we hope the U.S. will continue to champion the cause of free trade rather than protectionism and take positive measures to help balance our trade, such as lifting its restrictions on hi-tech export to China.

China-U.S trade and economic interaction and cooperation are expected to increase further.

Fourth, people to people exchanges offer vast potential.

The friendship between China and the U.S. dates back to a long time ago. The friendly sentiment between the peoples of our countries runs deep.

When Hurricane Katrina hit southern American states not long ago, the Chinese people feel for victims of the disaster. No sooner had Katrina struck than President Hu Jintao extended sympathy and condolences to the U.S. Government and people on behalf of the Chinese Government and people. The Chinese Government quickly provided emergency relief material and 5 million U.S. dollars cash to the victims. This is a fresh testimony to the friendship between the peoples of China and the United States. I wish to take this opportunity to again extend sympathy and condolences to the victims and hope they will rebuild their homeland at the earliest possible date.

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties, 37 pairs of sister provinces/states and 123 pairs of sister cities in China and the U.S. have been twinned. Over 180,000 Chinese have studied in the U.S. and right now, 60,000 are still studying here. About 3,000 Americans are studying in China, forming the third largest overseas student community. Personnel movement between the two sides totals 1.75 million person/times per year or 5,000 per day. There are now 54 flights every week operated by Chinese and U.S. airlines and that number is going to increase to 249 by 2010.

In elementary schools, high schools and colleges in China, the vast majority of students, or 120 million, are learning English. In the U.S., some 1,000 colleges and over 200 elementary and high schools are offering Chinese language courses and there are some 600 Chinese language schools run by overseas Chinese or Chinese Americans. This October, Chinese Ministry of Culture and the Kennedy Centre of Performing Art will jointly stage The Festival of China, a cultural event where over 600 artists from China are going to give performance or hold exhibition. This Festival is going to be another major event in the cultural exchanges between our two countries.

I am confident that, with the concerted efforts of both countries, our cooperation and people-to-people exchanges in the fields of culture, education and law enforcement will continue to reach one new height after another.

Fifth, approach to differences over such questions as Taiwan, human rights and religion

1. Taiwan question. It is the shared interests of China and the U.S. to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits. The Chinese side highly appreciates the

reiterated position of President Bush and the U.S. Government of sticking to the one China policy, abiding by the three Sino-U.S. Joint Communiqués and opposing "Taiwan independence".

I wish to stress here that the Chinese Government is sincere about improving and developing relations across the Taiwan Straits and promoting the peaceful reunification of the motherland. And it is determined to do so. There are three basic considerations in our policy on the Taiwan question.

First, promote cross-straits relations. We are ready to have dialogue or exchanges with anyone or any political party in Taiwan recognizing the 1992 Consensus, which embodies the concept of the Mainland and Taiwan belonging to the one and same China. Since early this year, we have invited the leaders of KMT, PFP and New Party for visits on the Mainland. Agreements were reached with them on strengthening exchanges between the two sides and other matters. This is a good example of our sincerity in improving and promoting relations across the Taiwan Straits.

Second, maintain peace in the Taiwan Straits. The secessionist activities aimed at "Taiwan independence" pose the biggest threat to the peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits. The very purpose of our firm opposition against "Taiwan independence" is to remove the hidden danger of and root cause to any possible conflict in the Taiwan Straits.

Third, work for peaceful reunification. Resolving the Taiwan question by means of peaceful reunification is in the best interests of the people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and is most effective in maintaining stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. As long as there is a gleam of hope for peaceful reunification, we will never give up such efforts.

While actively working to improve relations across the Taiwan Straits and maintain peace and stability there, we hope to have the understanding and support from the U.S. side shown in a firm opposition to "Taiwan independence" and an end to the sale of advanced weapons to Taiwan. This will be conducive to the sound and steady development of China-U.S. relations.

2. Human rights question. The Chinese Government attaches high importance to the protection and advancement of human rights. The people in China are enjoying more substantial human rights than ever before.

Rural village committees and urban resident committees are now directly elected. In March last year, the National People's Congress wrote into China's Constitution such contents as "the State respects and protects human rights" and "legally obtained private property of the citizens shall not to be violated". China has already signed 21 international conventions on human rights and is conducting dialogues on this subject on the basis of equality and mutual respect with many countries, the U.S. included.

The Chinese Constitution provides for freedom of religious belief of all citizens. The religious groups, places of worship and the legitimate rights and interests of the followers and their normal religious activities are protected by law. In China, there are roughly over 100 million religious followers, over 100,000 places of worship and about 300,000 clergy of different religions. A total of over 35 million copies

of the Bible have been printed.

In short, it is obvious to all that China has made remarkable progress in protecting human rights and religious freedom.

Of course, we have not done perfectly. There is still room for improvement. But we are striving for constant progress. We are ready to have dialogue with the U.S. side on these questions and to make them another positive element in our bilateral relations.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Chinese side highly values China-U.S. relations and firmly commits itself to building a constructive and cooperative relationship with the United States. We are ready to work in concert with the U.S. side on the basis of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit, always grasp the overall situation of our bilateral relations from a strategic height, strengthen dialogue, mutual trust and cooperation, and respect and address each other's concerned.

The future of China-U.S. relations is promising. But this promising future will not come automatically. Its materialization depends on the attitude we adopt and the choices we make today. In making the choices, we must stand on a high ground and look far. We must have a clear vision of the mainstream of China-U.S. relations and the trend of the times. We must build on our consensus, expand cooperation and promote an all-round constructive and cooperative relationship between China and the United States.

Thank you.

3.影响中美未来关系的“佐立克讲演”

Robert B. Zoellick, Deputy Secretary of State

Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations

September 21, 2005

New York City

Earlier this year, I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of Mr. Zheng Bijian, Chair of the China Reform Forum, who over some decades has been a counselor to China's leaders. We have spent many hours in Beijing and Washington discussing China's course of development and Sino-American relations. It has been my good fortune to get to know such a thoughtful man who has helped influence, through the Central Party School, the outlook of many officials during a time of tremendous change for China.

This month, in anticipation of President Hu's visit to the United States, Mr. Zheng published the lead article in Foreign Affairs, "China's 'Peaceful Rise' to Great Power Status." This evening, I would like to give you a sense of the current dialogue between the United States and China by sharing my perspective.

Some 27 years ago, Chinese leaders took a hard look at their country and didn't like what they saw. China was just emerging from the Cultural Revolution. It was desperately poor, deliberately isolated from the world economy, and opposed to nearly every international institution. Under Deng Xiaoping, as Mr. Zheng explains, China's leaders reversed course and decided "to embrace globalization rather than detach

themselves from it."

Seven U.S. presidents of both parties recognized this strategic shift and worked to integrate China as a full member of the international system. Since 1978, the United States has also encouraged China's economic development through market reforms.

Our policy has succeeded remarkably well: the dragon emerged and joined the world. Today, from the United Nations to the World Trade Organization, from agreements on ozone depletion to pacts on nuclear weapons, China is a player at the table.

And China has experienced exceptional economic growth. Whether in commodities, clothing, computers, or capital markets, China's presence is felt every day.

China is big, it is growing, and it will influence the world in the years ahead.

For the United States and the world, the essential question is – how will China use its influence?

To answer that question, it is time to take our policy beyond opening doors to China's membership into the international system: We need to urge China to become a responsible stakeholder in that system.

China has a responsibility to strengthen the international system that has enabled its success. In doing so, China could achieve the objective identified by Mr. Zheng: "to transcend the traditional ways for great powers to emerge."

As Secretary Rice has stated, the United States welcomes a confident, peaceful, and prosperous China, one that appreciates that its growth and development depends on constructive connections with the rest of the world. Indeed, we hope to intensify work with a China that not only adjusts to the international rules developed over the last century, but also joins us and others to address the challenges of the new century.

From China's perspective, it would seem that its national interest would be much better served by working with us to shape the future international system.

If it isn't clear why the United States should suggest a cooperative relationship with China, consider the alternatives. Picture the wide range of global challenges we face in the years ahead –terrorism and extremists exploiting Islam, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, poverty, disease – and ask whether it would be easier or harder to handle those problems if the United States and China were cooperating or at odds.

For fifty years, our policy was to fence in the Soviet Union while its own internal contradictions undermined it. For thirty years, our policy has been to draw out the People's Republic of China. As a result, the China of today is simply not the Soviet Union of the late 1940s:

·It does not seek to spread radical, anti-American ideologies.

· While not yet democratic, it does not see itself in a twilight conflict against democracy around the globe.

· While at times mercantilist, it does not see itself in a death struggle with capitalism.

· And most importantly, China does not believe that its future depends on overturning the fundamental order of the international system. In fact, quite the reverse: Chinese leaders have decided that their success depends on being networked

with the modern world.

If the Cold War analogy does not apply, neither does the distant balance-of-power politics of 19th Century Europe. The global economy of the 21st Century is a tightly woven fabric. We are too interconnected to try to hold China at arm's length, hoping to promote other powers in Asia at its expense. Nor would the other powers hold China at bay, initiating and terminating ties based on an old model of drawing-room diplomacy. The United States seeks constructive relations with all countries that do not threaten peace and security.

So if the templates of the past do not fit, how should we view China at the dawn of the 21st Century?

On both sides, there is a gulf in perceptions. The overwhelming priority of China's senior officials is to develop and modernize a China that still faces enormous internal challenges. While proud of their accomplishments, China's leaders recognize their country's perceived weaknesses, its rural poverty, and the challenges of political and social change. Two-thirds of China's population – nearly 900 million people – are in poor rural areas, living mostly as subsistence farmers, and 200 million Chinese live on less than a dollar a day. In China, economic growth is seen as an internal imperative, not as a challenge to the United States.

Therefore, China clearly needs a benign international environment for its work at home. Of course, the Chinese expect to be treated with respect and will want to have their views and interests recognized. But China does not want a conflict with the United States.

Nevertheless, many Americans worry that the Chinese dragon will prove to be a fire-breather. There is a cauldron of anxiety about China.

The U.S. business community, which in the 1990s saw China as a land of opportunity, now has a more mixed assessment. Smaller companies worry about Chinese competition, rampant piracy, counterfeiting, and currency manipulation. Even larger U.S. businesses – once the backbone of support for economic engagement – are concerned that mercantilist Chinese policies will try to direct controlled markets instead of opening competitive markets. American workers wonder if they can compete.

China needs to recognize how its actions are perceived by others. China's involvement with troublesome states indicates at best a blindness to consequences and at worst something more ominous. China's actions – combined with a lack of transparency – can create risks. Uncertainties about how China will use its power will lead the United States – and others as well – to hedge relations with China. Many countries hope China will pursue a "Peaceful Rise," but none will bet their future on it.

For example, China's rapid military modernization and increases in capabilities raise questions about the purposes of this buildup and China's lack of transparency. The recent report by the U.S. Department of Defense on China's military posture was not confrontational, although China's reaction to it was. The U.S. report described facts, including what we know about China's military, and discussed alternative scenarios. If China wants to lessen anxieties, it should openly explain its defense spending, intentions, doctrine, and military exercises.

Views about China are also shaped by its growing economic footprint. China has gained much from its membership in an open, rules-based international economic system, and the U.S. market is particularly important for China's development strategy. Many gain from this trade, including millions of U.S. farmers and workers who produce the commodities, components, and capital goods that China is so voraciously consuming.

But no other country – certainly not those of the European Union or Japan –would accept a $162 billion bilateral trade deficit, contributing to a $665 billion global current account deficit. China – and others that sell to China – cannot take its access to the U.S. market for granted. Protectionist pressures are growing.

China has been more open than many developing countries, but there are increasing signs of mercantilism, with policies that seek to direct markets rather than opening them. The United States will not be able to sustain an open international economic system – or domestic U.S. support for such a system – without greater cooperation from China, as a stakeholder that shares responsibility on international economic issues.

For example, a responsible major global player shouldn't tolerate rampant theft of intellectual property and counterfeiting, both of which strike at the heart of America's knowledge economy. China's pledges – including a statement just last week by President Hu in New York – to crack down on the criminals who ply this trade are welcome, but the results are not yet evident. China needs to fully live up to its commitments to markets where America has a strong competitive advantage, such as in services, agriculture, and certain manufactured goods. And while China's exchange rate policy offered stability in the past, times have changed. China may have a global current account surplus this year of nearly $150 billion, among the highest in the world. This suggests that China's recent policy adjustments are an initial step, but much more remains to be done to permit markets to adjust to imbalances. China also shares a strong interest with the United States in negotiating a successful WTO Doha agreement that opens markets and expands global growth.

China's economic growth is driving its thirst for energy. In response, China is acting as if it can somehow "lock up" energy supplies around the world. This is not a sensible path to achieving energy security. Moreover, a mercantilist strategy leads to partnerships with regimes that hurt China's reputation and lead others to question its intentions. In contrast, market strategies can lessen volatility, instability, and hoarding. China should work with the United States and others to develop diverse sources of energy, including through clean coal technology, nuclear, renewables, hydrogen, and biofuels. Our new Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate – as well as the bilateral dialogue conducted by the U.S. Department of Energy and China's National Development and Reform Commission – offer practical mechanisms for this cooperation. We should also encourage the opening of oil and gas production in more places around the world. We can work on energy conservation and efficiency, including through standards for the many appliances made in China. Through the IEA we can strengthen the building and management of strategic reserves. We also have a common interest in secure transport routes and security in producing countries.

All nations conduct diplomacy to promote their national interests. Responsible stakeholders go further: They recognize that the international system sustains their peaceful prosperity, so they work to sustain that system. In its foreign policy, China has many opportunities to be a responsible stakeholder.

The most pressing opportunity is North Korea. Since hosting the Six-Party Talks at their inception in 2003, China has played a constructive role. This week we achieved a Joint Statement of Principles, with an agreement on the goal of "verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula in a peaceful manner." But the hard work of implementation lies ahead, and China should share our interest in effective and comprehensive compliance.

Moreover, the North Korea problem is about more than just the spread of dangerous weapons. Without broad economic and political reform, North Korea poses a threat to itself and others. It is time to move beyond the half century-old armistice on the Korean peninsula to a true peace, with regional security and development. A Korean peninsula without nuclear weapons opens the door to this future. Some 30 years ago America ended its war in Viet Nam. Today Viet Nam looks to the United States to help integrate it into the world market economic system so Viet Nam can improve the lives of its people. By contrast, North Korea, with a 50 year-old cold armistice, just falls further behind.

Beijing also has a strong interest in working with us to halt the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and missiles that can deliver them. The proliferation of danger will undermine the benign security environment and healthy international economy that China needs for its development.

China's actions on Iran's nuclear program will reveal the seriousness of China's commitment to non-proliferation. And while we welcome China's efforts to police its own behavior through new export controls on sensitive technology, we still need to see tough legal punishments for violators.

China and the United States can do more together in the global fight against terrorism. Chinese citizens have been victims of terror attacks in Pakistan and Afghanistan. China can help destroy the supply lines of global terrorism. We have made a good start by working together at the UN and searching for terrorist money in Chinese banks, but can expand our cooperation further.

China pledged $150 million in assistance to Afghanistan, and $25 million to Iraq. These pledges were welcome, and we look forward to their full implementation. China would build stronger ties with both through follow-on pledges. Other countries are assisting the new Iraqi government with major debt forgiveness, focusing attention on the $7 billion in Iraqi debt still held by Chinese state companies.

On my early morning runs in Khartoum, I saw Chinese doing tai chi exercises. I suspect they were in Sudan for the oil business. But China should take more than oil from Sudan – it should take some responsibility for resolving Sudan's human crisis. It could work with the United States, the UN, and others to support the African Union's peacekeeping mission, to provide humanitarian relief to Darfur, and to promote a solution to Sudan's conflicts.

In Asia, China is already playing a larger role. The United States respects

China's interests in the region, and recognizes the useful role of multilateral diplomacy in Asia. But concerns will grow if China seeks to maneuver toward a predominance of power. Instead, we should work together with ASEAN, Japan, Australia, and others for regional security and prosperity through the ASEAN Regional Forum and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.

China's choices about Taiwan will send an important message, too. We have made clear that our "one China" policy remains based on the three communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act. It is important for China to resolve its differences with Taiwan peacefully.

The United States, Japan, and China will need to cooperate effectively together on both regional and global challenges. Given China's terrible losses in World War II, I appreciate the sensitivity of historical issues with Japan. But as I have told my Chinese colleagues, I have observed some sizeable gaps in China's telling of history, too. When I visited the "918" museum at the site of the 1931 "Manchurian Incident," I noted that the chronological account jumped from 1941 to the Soviet offensive against Japan in August 1945, overlooking the United States involvement in the Pacific from 1941 to 1945! Perhaps we could start to ease some misapprehensions by opening a three-way dialogue among historians.

Clearly, there are many common interests and opportunities for cooperation. But some say America's commitment to democracy will preclude long-term cooperation with China. Let me suggest why this need not be so.

Freedom lies at the heart of what America is as a nation, we stand for what President Bush calls the non-negotiable demands of human dignity. As I have seen over the 25 years since I lived in Hong Kong, Asians have also pressed for more freedom and built many more democracies. Indeed, President Hu and Premier Wen are talking about the importance of China strengthening the rule of law and developing democratic institutions.

We do not urge the cause of freedom to weaken China. To the contrary, President Bush has stressed that the terrible experience of 9/11 has driven home that in the absence of freedom, unhealthy societies will breed deadly cancers. In his Second Inaugural, President Bush recognized that democratic institutions must reflect the values and culture of diverse societies. As he said, "Our goal is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way."

Being born ethnically Chinese does not predispose people against democracy –just look at Taiwan's vibrant politics. Japan and South Korea have successfully blended a Confucian heritage with modern democratic principles.

Closed politics cannot be a permanent feature of Chinese society. It is simply not sustainable – as economic growth continues, better-off Chinese will want a greater say in their future, and pressure builds for political reform: · China has one umbrella labor union, but waves of strikes.

· A party that came to power as a movement of peasants now confronts violent rural protests, especially against corruption.

· A government with massive police powers cannot control spreading crime.

Some in China believe they can secure the Communist Party's monopoly on power

through emphasizing economic growth and heightened nationalism. This is risky and mistaken.

China needs a peaceful political transition to make its government responsible and accountable to its people. Village and grassroots elections are a start. They might be expanded – perhaps to counties and provinces – as a next step. China needs to reform its judiciary. It should open government processes to the involvement of civil society and stop harassing journalists who point out problems. China should also expand religious freedom and make real the guarantees of rights that exist on paper – but not in practice.

Ladies and Gentlemen: How we deal with China's rising power is a central question in American foreign policy.

In China and the United States, Mr. Zheng's idea of a "peaceful rise" will spur vibrant debate. The world will look to the evidence of actions.

Tonight I have suggested that the U.S. response should be to help foster constructive action by transforming our thirty-year policy of integration: We now need to encourage China to become a responsible stakeholder in the international system. As a responsible stakeholder, China would be more than just a member – it would work with us to sustain the international system that has enabled its success.

Cooperation as stakeholders will not mean the absence of differences – we will have disputes that we need to manage. But that management can take place within a larger DangerCodework where the parties recognize a shared interest in sustaining political, economic, and security systems that provide common benefits.

To achieve this transformation of the Sino-American relationship, this Administration – and those that follow it – will need to build the foundation of support at home. That's particularly why I wanted to join you tonight. You hear the voices that perceive China solely through the lens of fear. But America succeeds when we look to the future as an opportunity, not when we fear what the future might bring. To succeed now, we will need all of you to press both the Chinese and your fellow citizens.

When President Nixon visited Beijing in 1972, our relationship with China was defined by what we were both against. Now we have the opportunity to define our relationship by what are both for.

We have many common interests with China. But relationships built only on a coincidence of interests have shallow roots. Relationships built on shared interests and shared values are deep and lasting. We can cooperate with the emerging China of today, even as we work for the democratic China of tomorrow.

高中语文说课稿子实用模板(共5篇)

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上海之称始于宋代，当时上海已成为我国的一个新兴贸易港口，那时的上海地区有十八大浦，其中一条叫上海浦，它的西岸设有上海镇。1292年，上海改镇为县。这是上海这一名称的由来。1949年，上海设为直辖市。 古时，上海地区的渔民发明了一种竹编的捕鱼工具“扈”，当时还没有上海这一地名，因此，这一带被称为“沪渎”，故上海简称“沪”。春秋战国时上海是楚春申君黄歇封邑的一部分，故上海别称“申”。 4、重庆（渝） 重庆古称“巴”。秦时称江州。隋称渝州。北宋称恭州。重庆之名始于1190年，因南宋光宗赵敦先封恭王，后登帝位，遂将恭州升为重庆府，取“双重喜庆”之意。1997年，重庆设为直辖市。 隋时，嘉陵江称渝水，重庆因位于嘉陵江畔而置渝州，故重庆简称“渝”。 二、五个自治区 1、内蒙古自治区（内蒙古） 蒙古原为部落名，始见于唐代记载。1206年，成吉思汗统一蒙古各部，建立蒙古国。元灭后，蒙古族退居塞北。明清形成内、外蒙古之称。晚清以后，泛指大漠以南、长城以北、东起哲里木盟、西至套西厄鲁特所以盟旗为内蒙古。 取全称中“内蒙古”三字作为简称。 2、维吾尔自治区（新） 辖区古称西域。西汉设西域都护府。东汉魏晋改都护为长史。唐代设伊、西、庭三州和安西、北庭两个都护府。17世纪中叶以后，清朝平定了准噶尔部叛乱，在天山南北设伊犁将军。清光绪10年（1884年），改为新疆省，意为“故土新归”。1955年，设新疆维吾尔自治区。 取全称中的“新”字作为简称。 3、西藏自治区（藏）

我国各个城市的简称

一、四个直辖市 1、北京（京） 北京有据可查的第一个名称为“蓟”，是春秋战国时燕国的都城。辽金是将北京作为陪都，称为燕京。金灭辽后，迁都于此，称中都。元代改称大都。明成祖朱棣从南京迁都于此，改称“北京”。名称一直沿用至今。1949年设为直辖市。 取全称中的“京”字作为简称。 2、天津（津） 唐宋以前，天津称为直沽。金代形成集市称“直沽寨”。元代设津海镇，这是天津建城的开始。明永乐2年（1404年）筑城设卫，始称天津卫，取“天子经过的渡口”之意。1949年设为直辖市。 取全称中的“津”字作为简称。 3、上海（沪） 上海之称始于宋代，当时上海已成为我国的一个新兴贸易港口，那时的上海地区有十八大浦，其中一条叫上海浦，它的西岸设有上海镇。1292年，上海改镇为县。这是上海这一名称的由来。1949年，上海设为直辖市。 古时，上海地区的渔民发明了一种竹编的捕鱼工具“扈”，当时还没有上海这一地名，因此，这一带被称为“沪渎”，故上海简称“沪”。春秋战国时上海是楚春申君黄歇封邑的一部分，故上海别称“申”。 4、重庆（渝） 重庆古称“巴”。秦时称江州。隋称渝州。北宋称恭州。重庆之名始于1190年，因南宋光宗赵敦先封恭王，后登帝位，遂将恭州升为重庆府，取“双重喜庆”之意。1997年，重庆设为直辖市。 隋时，嘉陵江称渝水，重庆因位于嘉陵江畔而置渝州，故重庆简称“渝”。 二、五个自治区

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称中都。元代改称大都。明成祖朱棣从南京迁都于此，改称“北京”。名称一直沿用至今。1949 年设为直辖市。取全称中的“京”字作为简称。 2、天津（津）唐宋以前，天津称为直沽。金代形成集市称“直沽寨”。元代设津海镇，这是天津建城的开始。明永乐 2 年（1404 年）筑城设卫，始称天津卫，取“天子经过的渡口”之意。1949 年设为直辖市。取全称中的“津”字作为简称。 3、上海（沪）上海之称始于宋代，当时上海已成为我国的一个新兴贸易港口，那时的上海地区有十八大浦，其中一条叫上海浦，它的西岸设有上海镇。1292 年，上海改镇为县。这是上海这一名称的由来。1949 年，上海设为直辖市。古时，上海地区的渔民发明了一种竹编的捕鱼工具“扈”，当时还没有上海这一地名，因此，这一带被称为“沪渎”，故上海简称“沪”。春秋战国时上海是楚春申君黄歇封邑的一部分，故上海别称“申”。 4、重庆（渝）重庆古称“巴”。秦时称江州。隋称渝州。北宋称恭州。重庆之名始于1190 年，因南宋光宗赵敦先封恭王，后登帝位，遂将恭州升为重庆府，取“双重喜庆”之意。1997 年，重庆设为直辖市。隋时，嘉陵江称渝水，重庆因位于嘉陵江畔而置渝州，故重庆简称“渝”。 五个自治区 1、内蒙古自治区（内蒙古）(呼和浩特市) 蒙古原为部落名，始见于唐代记载。1206 年，成吉思汗统一蒙古各部，建立蒙古国。元灭后，蒙古族退居塞北。明清形成内、外蒙古之称。晚清以后，泛指大漠以南、长城以北、东起哲里木盟、西至套西厄鲁特所以盟旗为内蒙古。取全称中“内蒙古”三字作为简称。

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高中语文优秀说课稿范文3篇

（封面） 高中语文优秀说课稿范文3篇 授课学科： 授课年级： 授课教师： 授课时间： XX学校

高中语文优秀说课稿范文3篇 高中语文优秀说课稿范文1 一．关于教材： 我所说课的篇目是两千年前的爱国主义诗人屈原的代表作《离骚》，它是高中二年级的教学内容，具体编排在第三册第一单元（古典诗歌） 的第二篇。该单元所选中国古代古体诗8首，其中《诗经》中3首，汉 魏晋五言诗3首，《孔雀东南飞》并序以及《离骚》节选。在该单元中，《离骚》节选占有及其重要的位置。一方面，以屈原的作品为代表的楚 辞是继北方黄河流域出现《诗经》之后，在南方长江流域出现的具有独 特艺术魅力的新诗体，其本身在中国诗歌发展史上具有重要地位；另一 方面，楚辞作品，尤其是屈原的《离骚》从词句的角度看，地方特色鲜明，学生理解的难度较大。 从作品的内容看，《离骚》是一首规模宏伟的政治抒情长诗，全诗373句2400余字，既具有诗人自传的性质，又具有某些幻想性的浪漫主 义成分，整首诗歌感情回环激荡，撼人心魄。课文节选了长诗的第一节，内容主要是诗人自述身世、品质、政治理想以及自己的忠诚不为君王理 解的苦闷之情，表现了屈原坚持“美政”、至死不渝的高尚情操，抒发 了诗人忧国忧民、献身理想的爱国情感。 二．关于教学方法 结合作品特点，按照课程标准对高中阶段在古典诗歌方面阅读能力 的要求，我把《离骚》节选的教学目的确定为以下两点： 一是了解屈原的生平，理解诗人忧国忧民的高尚品质，培养学生的

爱国忧民的思想感情；二是反复诵读，抓住关键词语，疏通诗句，培养学生初步评价鉴赏古典诗歌的能力。学生是学习的主体，每当我们向自己的学生教授新知识的时候，自然要考虑到我们的教学对象在学习本课知识时的原有基础、现有困难及某些学习心理特征，从而有针对性地确定学习的重点、难点及教学对策。高中二年级学生，具有一定的古代诗歌的评价能力，但对于时代久远的楚辞作品，评价的前提――读懂诗歌的内容方面，仍存在困难，根据大纲要求结合学生的实际情况以及本文特点，我确立本文重点及难点如下： 教学重点： 鉴赏重要的语句，感受屈原高尚的人格美。 教学难点： 关键词句的疏通。如何突破重点、难点，有效完成本课的教学任务呢？我决定从教材特点和面临的具体学情出发，首先要把握两个原则：第一，注意高视角、低起点，先把基础知识落到实处，再循序渐进进行教学；第二，重视素质教育，有意识地对学生进行人文素质的培养。 具体教学措施如下： 第一，充分预习。要求学生课下预习，早读检查（内容包括：A作家作品；B写作背景；C掌握生字生词；D熟读课文），逐步培养学生的认知能力和自学能力。 第二，分解重点、难点。本课将分两课时进行，把教学难点，即词句的疏通安排在第一课时中，把教学重点，即作品思想内容的理解安排在第二课时，以确保学生真正做到一课一得。

中国各个省份城市知识讲解

一、中国共有省级行政区34个，具体为： 2个特别行政区：香港、澳门。 4个直辖市：北京、上海、天津、重庆。 23个省：河北、山西、陕西、山东、河南、辽宁、吉林、黑龙江、江苏、浙江、安徽、江西、福建、湖北、湖南、四川、贵州、云南、广 东、海南、甘肃、青海、台湾。 5个自治区：内蒙古、新疆、西藏、广西、宁夏。 二、各市省会目录 1.北京市北京 2.天津市天津 3.上海市上海 4.重庆市重庆 5.河北省石家庄 6.山西省太原 7.陕西省西安 8.山东省济南 9.河南省郑州 10.辽宁省沈阳 11.吉林省长春 12.黑龙江省哈尔滨 13.江苏省南京 14.浙江省杭州 15.安徽省合肥 16.江西省南昌 17.福建省福州 18.湖北省武汉 19.湖南省长沙 20.四川省成都 21.贵州省贵阳 22.云南省昆明 23.广东省广州 24.海南省海口 25.甘肃省兰州 26.青海省西宁 27.台湾省台北 28.内蒙古自治区呼和浩特 29.新疆维吾尔自治区乌鲁木齐 30.西藏自治区拉萨 31.广西壮族自治区南宁 32.宁夏回族自治区银川 33.香港特别行政区香港 34.澳门特别行政区澳门

三、5 - 32省会的地级市与县级市 5.河北省（11个地级市、22个县级市）： 11个地级市：石家庄市、唐山市、秦皇岛市、邯郸市、邢台市、保定市、张家口市、承德市、沧州市、廊坊市、衡水市。 22个县级市：辛集市、藁城市、晋州市、新乐市、鹿泉市、遵化市、迁安市、武安市、南宫市、沙河市、涿州市、定州市、安国市、高碑店市、泊头市、任丘市、黄骅市、河间市、霸州市、三河市、冀州市、深州市。 6、山西省城市（11个地级市、11个县级市） 11个地级市：太原、大同、朔州、阳泉、长治、晋城、忻州、晋中、临汾、运城、吕梁 11个县级市：古交、潞城、高平、原平、介休、侯马、霍州、永济、河津、孝义、汾阳 7.陕西省（10个地级市、3个县级市）： 10个地级市：西安市、铜川市、宝鸡市、咸阳市、渭南市、延安市、汉中市、榆林市、安康市、商洛市。 3个县级市：兴平市、韩城市、华阴市。 8.山东省（17个地级市、31个县级市）： 17个地级市：济南市、青岛市、淄博市、枣庄市、东营市、烟台市、潍坊市、济宁市、泰安市、威海市、日照市、莱芜市、临沂市、德州市、聊城市、滨州市、菏泽市。 31个县级市：章丘市、胶南市、胶州市、平度市、莱西市、即墨市、滕州市、龙口市、莱阳市、莱州市、招远市、蓬莱市、栖霞市、海阳市、青州市、诸城市、寿光市、安丘市、高密市、昌邑市、曲阜市、兖州市、邹城市、新泰市、肥城市、乳山市、文登市、荣成市、乐陵市、禹城市、临清市。 9.河南省（17个地级市、21个县级市）： 17个地级市：郑州市、开封市、洛阳市、平顶山市、安阳市、鹤壁市、新乡市、焦作市、濮阳市、许昌市、漯河市、三门峡市、南阳市、商丘市、信阳市、周口市、驻马店市。 21个县级市：巩义市、新郑市、新密市、登封市、荥阳市、中牟县、偃师市、汝州市、舞钢市、林州市、卫辉市、辉县市、沁阳市、孟州市、禹州市、长葛市、义马市、灵宝市、邓州市、永城市、项城市、济源市。 10.辽宁省（14个地级市、17个县级市）： 14个地级市：沈阳市、大连市、鞍山市、抚顺市、本溪市、丹东市、锦州市、营口市、阜新市、辽阳市、盘锦市、铁岭市、朝阳市、葫芦岛市。 17个县级市：新民市、瓦房店市、普兰店市、庄河市、海城市、东港市、凤城市、凌海市、北镇市、大石桥市、盖州市、灯塔市、调兵山市、开原市、凌源市、北票市、兴城市 11.吉林省（8个地级市、1个州、20个县级市）： 8个地级市：长春市、吉林市、四平市、辽源市、通化市、白山市、松原市、白城市。 1个州：延边朝鲜族自治州。 20个县级市：九台市、榆树市、德惠市、舒兰市、桦甸市、蛟河市、磐石市、公主岭市、双辽市、梅河口市、集安市、临江市、大安市、洮南市、延吉市、图们市、敦化市、龙井市、