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Faith, Practice and Transformation A Theory-Based Evaluation of Faith-Based Teen Programs

Faith, Practice and Transformation A Theory-Based Evaluation of Faith-Based Teen Programs
Faith, Practice and Transformation A Theory-Based Evaluation of Faith-Based Teen Programs

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FAITH, PRACTICE AND TRANSFORMATION:

A THEORY-BASED EVALUATION OF FAITH-BASED TEEN PROGRAMS

Christopher Winship

Harvard University

Amy Reynolds

Georgetown University

Prepared for the 2003 Spring Research Forum

The Role of Faith-Based Organizations in the Social Welfare System

Metropolitan Washington, DC

March 6-7, 2003

Faith, Practice and Transformation:

A Theory-Based Evaluation of Faith-Based Teen Programs

Christopher Winship and Amy Reynolds

INTRODUCTION

Little is known about the efficacy of faith-based programs for dealing with society’s most intransigent social problems. Even less is known about the importance of the faith component of these programs. Research has been done on the effects of faith-based programs on a number of outcome factors (Johnson et al., 2002). Most research, however, focuses on what Johnson et al. call organic religion, showing how people living in religious systems and structures are affected by their religions. Intentional religion is found in programs that aim to bring religion and faith into individuals’ lives with the aim of changing those lives. Johnson’s report, surveying previous research, suggests that organic religion generally has a statistically significant association in the expected directions with criminal behavior, teenage pregnancy, and achievement while little is known about the effects of intentional religion. Other research on teen pregnancy, crime, and drug use, shows connections among beliefs and behavior, and among religious involvement and life practices. Little information, however, exists on the impact of intentional programs.

This paper employs a theory-based evaluation (Suchman 1967, Weiss 1972, Sayer 1992) of four programs for inner city minority youth. We, specifically, examine the involvements of minority females. Theory-based evaluation seeks to determine whether evidence can be found indicating that the mechanisms that a theory posits to be important in a program actually exist. Specifically, we examine whether an adolescent female’s faith commitment and religious understanding affects how she thinks either about moral issues and/or life plans. In a theory based evaluation it is not possible to assess how strong their effects may be. If the hypothesized mechanism does not appear to be operating, however, this is potentially strong evidence against the program’s efficacy.

Our data do not allow us to assess whether religion either directly affects behavior or whether it indirectly affects their behavior through their moral perspective or life plans. Other research, however, does support the claim that moral perspective and life plans do affect behavior (Nonnemaker et al 2002, Johnson 2002), even if not perfectly.

Our data is based on both interviews and participant observations. Youth were interviewed from four different programs. The authors were also participant observers in three of the four programs, and had discussions with youth leaders; the exception was Discover Yourself.1One of us (Reynolds) was

1 Names have been changed for both the programs and individual girls to protect privacy and maintain integrity of the research

involved in 1999-2002 with interviewing a number of teen girls. For each program studied, we have information from between 4 and 5 girls. All youth were African-American, and between 12-20 years of age; younger and older girls were interviewed from each program. For one of the programs (Summer of Hope) we rely mostly on previous research from interviewed teens. Karyn Lacy (1997) conducted interviews of these youth and did participant observations2. Below are descriptions of the programs.

Boston Project. This program is part of the community service umbrella organization at a local university; enrichment programs are run during the term and full-time in the summer. Students come from housing project areas in Dorchester. The program is totally secular. While the girls are all generally familiar with the Bible, only one attends church. They have opportunities to attend different Bible programs, and all seem to have some religious practices.

Summer of Hope. This faith-based program was launched by Boston’s Ten Point Coalition and ran for three summers. An initial goal of the program was to use religion as a mechanism for helping high school students understand their lives. Optional prayer times as well as periodic religious discussions occurred. Youth were often placed at church sites to do work, and the directors were religious leaders. There were also weekly spiritual sessions, which appear to have used lecture-style teaching. This is a program with a religious environment, supportive of religious belief and practice, but not directly religious.

Discover Yourself. This faith-based program challenged youth to think about the role of faith in their lives. It involved girls who were at risk for pregnancy, violence, drug use, or court involvement. According to both the director and the girls, it was not a “religious” program. The youth spent time writing and thinking about their lives, reading about the lives of others, having speakers from the community speak/meet with them, and going on trips. The girls typically built strong relationships with the women leaders. The program encouraged participants to think about the relationship between their faith commitments and religious understanding and their moral values and life planning, without any of its own religious pedagogy or practices.

Connecting Youth. The final faith-based program, located in Washington, D.C., has been in existence for 15 years. Run through an evangelical church, the program focused on many of the same goals as the other programs – community service, breaking of class barriers, and involving faith in personal decisions. Less than half were involved with the church initially.3 Faith and prayer were crucial elements; direct teaching on sexual activity also existed. An important difference between this program and the other three is the mixed ethnic and social class composition of this group (Black and White,

2 Because the information in the next chapter on the girls' beliefs from Summer of Hope is from Lacy’s research, it is not cited specifically each time.

3 Only Tina from our sample was originally active in the church because of her family

Lower and Middle class).

We found that in three of the four programs, there are only weak or moderate connections between the individuals’ religious understandings and faith commitments and their moral values and life plans. A moderate connection existed in Discover Yourself, where participants were encouraged to make connections between their faith commitment and their behavior. A stronger connection was found in Connecting Youth, where connections were encouraged, religious understanding was emphasized, and religious practices established.

However, we also found that it was not the lack of faith commitment of belief that was the key issue, but rather, the inability to make a connection between their faith, religious understanding and practices, and their moral values and life choices. Strong degrees of faith were present among all the girls interviewed.

Our findings redefine the debate on faith-based programs in contradictory ways. On the one hand, our limited analyses suggest that only the most fully faith-infused programs are likely be successful in enhancing the effect of religion on individuals’ lives. On the other hand, our research suggests that such programs need not focus on proselytizing and the instillation of belief. For the girls in this study at least, a strong degree of faith and belief are already present. The issue, then, is helping these girls connect their faith to their moral values and life plans.

ANALYSIS

The Religious Lives of Black Adolescent Girls

Basic Beliefs4. Regardless of the programs in which they are involved, religion was present in the lives of all of the girls. All of them believe in God, openly profess this faith, and believe God is active in their lives. They have little doubt that God exists, even though they have a lot of questions about God; they most often view him as a protector, provider, or judge.

They “believe in God 100%” as one asserted. They know God is out there, and even as they are not sure which religion is true, they know God is real. These girls say of God that He is “looking out for me,” and He “helps us with everything.” They thank God for the simple things like waking up, for food, for keeping them safe. One girl admitted that “if it was not for God I would not have been here.” The girls in Discover Yourself seem to have more questions about religion, but have more developed opinions and descriptions of the God they believe in.

The girls in Connecting Youth have the same belief in God as the other girls, although they seem to equate that belief with Christianity and the Bible. In asking about their belief in God, they responded with “Yes, I believe in the Word of God.” or “I believe in Jesus.” They also mention their relationship

4 Some information was missing for those involved with the Summer of Hope program.

with this God more. One girl stated: “I have a relationship with Jesus… I think of people – they need Jesus – when I see them doing bad things too.”

Religious Knowledge and Understanding. With respect to deeper beliefs, the girls have a hard time understanding or expressing what they believe, and, in general, have a weak understanding of Christian doctrine. The girls would often respond “I don’t know” in the middle of trying to explain theology, although most all of them expressed an interest to know more, even asking questions of us during the interviews.

Those in the non faith-based program asked the most questions. They are informed through such things as a commercial at a teen center, where one describes “God being killed on a cross. Because he wanted to do good things and they didn’t want him to.” They mention Bible studies as being good, and one girl says of the Bible that “It tells you about God and how to respect him and your family. Do what’s right for your family and don’t be a pain and God will love you for who you are.” But another seemed to represent another set of opinions, saying that “Some of the stuff in it is true, some I don’t understand.”

Girls in the Summer of Hope program and Discover Yourself have a little more religious knowledge, most likely from the religious natures of their program and possible religious backgrounds. They expect their peers to know about the Bible. Lacy (1997) in her assessment of the program Summer of Hope finds that the teens knew their religious teaching quite well, but did not understand as well how to apply it to their lives. Those in Discover Yourself are similar – they describe Jesus as a savior, claiming that He “does good and He died for us.” But more unique to Discover Yourself is the combination of traditional religion with non- traditional views. One says she “don’t know what to believe really,” and that the church cannot really tell her about God. Another says the Bible has “a lot of contradictions …but I can’t pick out the contradictions exactly… I don’t have a problem with believing it though.”

In the Connecting Youth program, youth have strong connections to the beliefs of the church and a more concrete understanding of God, although many come from non-religious homes. They still ask basic questions about theology, like the question of creation, but they have a solid understanding of Christianity. One explained that “He died for me and He sent his only Son to help me not get punished for the sins I committed.” Another older girl explains the basics of salvation, the reasons she still sins, and why Christians should not have sex; she is involved with talking with other younger youth about decisions she has made. Another girl, in speaking about church, appreciates most understanding the application of faith: “One Sunday morning we were talking about hunger. Those are everyday issues. Put it into teaching.”

Prayer and Religious Practices. The girls in all four programs are similar in that they all believe in their ability to communicate with God through prayer; they pray because they sense that God is there and hears and answers them. Most do not equate prayer with religious activity, but see it as a normal

aspect of life. With the exception of the secular program, some girls come from more religious families and church exposure while others do not. And with the same exception, each program stresses building important relationships with a sort of spiritual mentor.

Most all of the girls discuss prayer as a way to lift up their family and their own safety. Most girls pray daily. Their prayer lives range to more basic in Boston Project to more involved with Connecting Youth. One girl from the secular program says she prays regularly, although God “just says hi.” Another girl prays “just that I am able to take care of my son and see another day.” They pray for help getting through the day, and for “everything good and bad.”

While girls from all four programs made comments like those above, the girls in Discover Yourself often talk about other prayers – prayers for guidance, for help in making decisions. And those in Connecting Youth pray more regularly, in groups, and talk about the reasons they pray. One girl said that “Sometimes I pray for events coming up or if there is something wrong in my life or some else’s life… I pray ‘cause praying for them lets God know what I think about and my opinion on it and lets him know what I need help with…”

In regards to other religious practices, most of the girls in the programs who go to church seem to go due to a family requirement or personal obligation. This is especially true for the secular program and Summer of Hope. Those in Discover Yourself seem to rarely go, unless it is something that is important to them. In the two faith-based programs, Summer of Hope and Discover Yourself, there is cynicism towards organized religion. They discuss the hypocrisy that exists among people in the church. One girl in Discover Yourself stated that “Home is my church and I pray to my God and for my household,” although she attends on the ‘Lord’s Days.’

The religious involvement of those in Connecting Youth is different that that of the other girls; they come to church frequently, often taking public transportation or walking. While they still spot the hypocrisy, they come to church frequently, attending church on the weekends and programs during the week; all of the girls belong to a Bible Study and seem to be part of the youth community and larger church community. They participate in other events, such as sexual purity pledges, retreats, fasting, or mission projects.

Moral Values and Life Plans

Moral Values. Interviews with the girls involved discussions of right and wrong behavior, which appear to be self-defining to them. Yet there is some variation in how the girls think about their own personal morality. Girls in both the secular program and Summer of Hope seem to define morality primarily in relation with other people or criminal activity. One of the more reticent girls listed “Don’t hit, swear, don’t hit people, don’t fight them. That’s all I think.” Bad people, according to one, are “parents

who give kids up, do drugs, don’t care about self, don’t have a life.” Drug use and stealing are bad. For some, it is the “bad people” who need to be in church. Those in Summer of Hope accept the teachings of the church as valid in general, and they have problems with interns and adults who do not follow these. Alcohol does not seem to be a problem, and one girl in Summer of Hope mentions liquor stores as a good thing. Their morality seems to be influenced partially by the teachings and philosophy of the church, although not often in regards to teenage sexuality. Many plan to have children without being married. In the secular programs, all girls desire boyfriends, one claiming it impossible to be single for a month.

Those in Discover Yourself, much like the other two groups, are influenced by religion. Girls often arrive at their values through their own understanding. They do believe that Christians are called to high moral standards, even if they do not identify themselves as such. The program does appear to have affected their actual behavior however – one girl receives better grades, and gets in less trouble for “talking back, being too loud, disrupting the class, not doing work.” Another girl discussed the “filthy mouth” she had before starting the program, and the change in her dress. In accordance with the Bible, one stated a belief in treating other equally, and another cited the 10 commandments as good rules to live by. With regards to teenage sexuality, none mentioned this topic, and several discussed the idea of children outside of marriage, and possibly even before graduating.

Girls in Connecting Youth appear to have a slightly stronger link between their religious beliefs and moral choices, and definitions of moral behavior deal more directly with their personal decisions. They list the same issues as the girls in the other programs. Among the things they believe as wrong are typical: stealing, murder, killing, lying, gossiping. Specific religious-related morals come up in the area of sexuality, which they all discuss. Olivia has spoken in testimonies before other youth about her choice to remain sexually pure and all that entails (dress, decisions for social interaction). Another girl in the program, who was not interviewed, after admitting sexual involvement, decided to change her behavior and meets regularly with a youth worker. For some it is a desire to love God that propels them to do right – for others, it is because God is a judge and they must do the right things.

Identity. The girls acknowledge that they are at-risk in many ways – many have been referred to as ghetto children, and some even take these names on proudly as their own, while others express frustration with such expressions. The idea that their identity is at-risk is quite different for the girls in the church program. They conceive of their identity as more connected with their morality, which is important in understanding their hopes and life plans.

In the secular program, one girl had the Project Born epithet decorating her personal items; most seemed to have this at-risk identity. Religious identities seemed nonexistent. The girls from Summer of Hope also do not have a religious identity, but rather see their identity as tied with “people who live around here.” Lacy (1997) suggests that the teens seem to have somewhat limited understanding of what

it means to be African-American, and allow it to place limits on them. Indicative of this attitude, one student commented “White culture is like, more rich, it has more roots in it.”

Several of the girls in Discover Yourself have a spiritual identity, although they also hesitate to see themselves as religious. One explained that she was religious within herself “100%.” Another girl, who hadn’t been to church in years, still responded “I’m Catholic.” Most of the girls identified as Christians. While they may not see these ideas as connected to religiosity, it seems they have a religious identity, albeit non-traditional one.

The girls in Connecting Youth have a religious identity, based within the community. One teen has ‘God’s lil Child’ on her bags. One of the older girls stopped using make-up during Lent one season to get a better sense of belonging to God. Yet another in describing her identity said, “I’m a Christian… Jesus dies for me.” She says she “gave [her] life to Christ.” One girl, seeing herself as very religious, claims that her values are her own, shaped by her family and herself, and not dictated by the church. This sentiment – that their values belong to them – was shared by most of the girls.

Life Plans. For many, religion and faith do not appear to significantly affect their thinking about marriage, family, sexuality, and future career plans. Within all of the groups, the older girls have more sophisticated visions regarding their futures.

The goals of girls in the secular program are limited. A few mention college, “to learn more and do more,” to “find a job… .to know more when you get the job.” The oldest girl in the program, who already started college, answered that her goal is to “write music. Doesn’t matter.” Still another who wanted to go to Harvard weeks earlier, now wants to be a “construction worker like my grandmother because they make a lot of money.” Relationally, they all mention that kids are something they want, even above career goals, with a few mentioning a “nice boyfriend,” and most not even thinking of marriage.

The youth in Summer of Hope appear similar in some ways. It is difficult for them to see how religion might change their own lives. One girl, in talking about how life choices could be different for younger blacks in their community (concerning food choices), commented, “No. No because it’s too late for them. You have to start early teaching them that. The white people start early.” Their identity – where they already are, or how they see themselves – is not malleable. At the same time, there is a hope for opportunities that may “come out of nowhere.”

In Discover Yourself, there is a direct emphasis on thinking about the future. These girls seem to be able to express their visions for their lives. One girl detailed her reasons for wanting to become a medical biller (as well as the process) because of her affinity for computers and the respectable pay rate with years of service. Another wants to study drama in college to be an actress, while yet another talks about going to beauty school with the hope of opening her own salon. They also have a stronger sense of short-term goals, as one talks about hoping to be a leader in the program. Regarding the family, most

mention children, although they also mention the need to be financially stable, and they seem to hope for marriage if possible.

Finally those in Connecting Youth have slightly different ideas of their futures. Most are younger than those in the Discover Yourself program, but still have detailed goals. Those in junior high take part in selecting their middle schools based on things such as an entrepreneurial focus, sign language courses, or a good art program. One of the girls with a lesser sense of vision this year made a commitment to earn better grades, and her report card went from Fs to As, Bs, and Cs. As these girls discuss things like family, most mention a husband, and most discuss plans to stay sexually pure as well. All of those interviewed have signed pledges accordingly. Because of the program, and maybe not their own initiative, they have plans to follow through with some of the plans they have.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In this paper we have carried out what is known as a theory based evaluation of three different faith-based programs. Specifically, we have examined the degree to which, for adolescent girls in these programs, there is a connection between their faith commitment and religious understandings and practices with their moral values and life plans. We found that girls in all of the four programs have strong beliefs: their belief in God is virtually universal. However, the girls seem to find it difficult to connect the religious dimension of their life to their moral values or life plans. In two of the programs, we found little or no evidence that girls were able to connect these different domains. In Discover Yourself,a program that focused on the relationship between beliefs and morals values and life plans, we found that girls were at least to a moderate degree able to make the connection. In Connecting Youth,a program that emphasized the relation between religion and other aspects of life, we found girls were most successful in connecting the religious domain to other domains in their life.

Our findings, if they can be generalized to other contexts, have important implications for faith-based programs. While we do not see a need for programs to focus on instilling beliefs, our research does suggest that it is faith-based programs with explicit religious content that are likely to be effective in helping individuals use their religious identity and beliefs to connect to the rest of their lives. In our study, it was programs that aided in religious understanding, teaching, and establishing practices that were effective in connecting faith with moral values and life choices.

We argue that faith-based programs, to use their potential, should be more faith-infused. We list three policy suggestions, described in greater length in the full article. The first need is the need to increase the girls’ understanding. Teaching, Bible studies, and discussion are crucial. A second need is for the practice of community, encouraging the girls in faith and linking them with important relationships and in a faith community. Finally, there is a need to practice spirituality. This involves involving them in more religious practices, including prayer, worship, service, and study.

References

Johnson, Byron and Ralph Brett Tompkins and Derek Web. 2002. Objective Hope.

Assessing the Effectiveness of Faith-Based Organizations: A Review of the Literature. University of Pennsylvania, Center for Research on Religion and Urban Civil Society.

Lacy, Karyn. 1997. “The Influence of Boston Freedom Summer on the Religious

Development and Value Systems of Teenagers and Young Adults.” Harvard University

Department of Sociology.

Nonnemaker, James M., Clean McNeely and Robert W. Blum, 2002. "Public and Private Domains of Religiosity and Adolescent Health Risk Behaviors: Evidence from the National Longitudinal

Study of Adolescent Health." Presented at the Add Health Users Workshop, August 2001. Sayer, Andrew. 1992. Method in Social Science: A Realist Approach. London, Routledge. Suchman, E.A. 1967. Evaluative Research: Principles and Practice in Public Service and Social Action Programs. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Weiss, C.H. 1972. Evaluation Research: Models of Assessing Program Effectiveness.

Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey; Prentice Hall.

[以,孕育,海报为例,海报设计,正负]浅谈正负形在海报设计中的应用

浅谈正负形在海报设计中的应用——以《孕育》海报为例 1 选题背景 海报设计是视觉传达设计的表现形式之一,通过画面的构成在第一时间内吸引人们的目光。海报的发展距今已有100多年的历史,目前主要分为公益海报和商业海报。图形创意在公益海报中的表现尤为常见,正负形海报是其中的一种,给人们带来了不一样的视觉感受。正负形是图形的边线共用,图底反转。平面正负形是一种艺术图案,它可以给人以幻觉,使人产生两种感觉,这就是平面正负形的魅力。正形与负形是靠彼此界定的,同时又相互作用。一般的意义上,正形是积极向前的,而负形则是消极后退的,形成正负形的因素有很多,它依赖于对图形的具体表现与欣赏心理习惯。在2016年世界日暨全国海洋宣传日活动期间,以创意海洋为主题,用正负形的手法创作《孕育》海报告诫人们保护海洋的重要性,为我国未来的海洋文化发展做出贡献。 2 正负形在海报设计中的应用现状分析 当下国内学者及设计师对图形创意中正负形这一艺术表现手法,在海报设计中应用的优势进行探析越来越多。北京交通大学硕士胡艳霞写了《福田繁雄海报的视错觉图形表现语言探析》,在论文中就福田繁雄海报中视错觉图形表现语言的运用这一章中描述了正负图形的运用与表现,平面设计中的正负图形是由原来的图底关系转变而来。解析了1915年的代表作品鲁宾之杯,是图底视错觉表现语言的经典之作。鲁道夫阿恩海姆认为:图形与基底之间的关系,就是指一个封闭的式样与另一个和它同质的非封闭的背景之间的关系。对福田繁雄的早期海报设计进行解析。山西师范大学硕士牛彦然写了《视错觉在平面设计中的应用与研究》,在论文中各类视错觉在平面设计中的应用这一章中描述正负形同构,写了正负形的含义,对福田繁雄1975 年为日本京王百货设计的海报和《UCC 咖啡馆》海报进行说明,得出正负形共生正是利用了人们视觉心理上的不确定性,观众是通过转变视觉中心所看到的不同形态,具有动感。由于正负形是正形和负形共同使用同一条外轮廓线,最大限度将画面利用,其结构非常简洁紧凑,会被广泛地应用在平面设计中。山东艺术学院艺术实践与创作处王立章写了《论图形创意在招贴设计中的应用研究》,在论文中得出了正负形在招贴中的应用,赋予了招贴一种情绪,一种无形的巨大能量,使招贴常常富有深层寓意,达到一语双关,深化了平面招贴中图形和招贴的主题之间产生的共鸣。湖南工业大学包装设计艺术学院王婷婷写了《正负形在海报中的优势探析》,在论文中提出我们欣赏过海报在宣传过程中的有效应用和正负形这种幽默的表现形式,正负形和海报相结合更是设计师不竭的源泉,这样的设计作品,表现力极强。同时正负形在标志设计、产品设计、服装设计等各个设计领域有一定的影响。通过这些论文的例子总结正负形让海报设计充满视觉冲击力和艺术张力,可以让更多人了解并喜欢正负形海报。 3 研究正负形海报设计的意义 第一,研究过程中选择了总结多篇论文对正负形在海报设计中运用的观点,来论证研究和创作正负形海报有相当大的现实意义。 第二,对鲁宾《阴阳花瓶》、德雷维斯《安托尼和克雷欧佩特拉》、福田繁雄《京王百货宣传海报》进行全新的说明,为后续的正负形海报创作提供一些参考和论证。

福田繁雄的设计历程

福田繁雄教授 1932年生于日本,1951 毕业于岩手县立福冈高等学校,1956年毕业于东京国家艺术大学,1967 IBM画廊个展(纽约),1997 日本通产省设计功劳奖--紫绶勋章,1998 东京艺术大学美术馆评委,现任日本平面设计协会主席、国际平面设计联盟(AGI)会员、美国耶鲁大学、中国四川大学、东京艺术大学客座教授、日本图形创造协会主席、国际广告研究设计中心名誉主任,2009年1月11日晚上10:30时于东京因脑溢血过世。 福田繁雄: 国际著名设计大师 国际平面设计师联盟AGI会员 日本大师创造协会主席 国际图形设计协会会员 设计艺术研究中心名誉主任 1932 生于日本东京 1951 毕业于岩手县立福冈高等学校 1956 年毕业于东京国家艺术大学 1967 IBM画廊个展(纽约) 1982年应耶鲁大学之邀担任客座讲师 1997 日本通产省设计功劳奖--紫绶勋章 1998 东京艺术大学美术馆评委 2004年10月应四川大学之邀担任客座教授 2006第7届金蜜蜂国际平面设计双年展国际评委

福田繁雄被誉为“五位一体的视觉创意大师”,即:多才多艺的全能设计人、变幻莫测的视觉魔术师、推陈出新的方法实践家、热情机智的人道关怀者、幽默灵巧的老顽童。 福田繁雄教授是世界三大平面设计师之一(福田繁雄教授与岗特兰堡(德)、切瓦斯特(美)并称“世界三大平面设计师"),他的设计理念及设计作品享誉 世界,对二十世纪后半叶的设计界产生了深远的影响,在现行的每一平面 设计教材中几乎都能发现他的作品。福田繁雄的设计作品在美国、欧洲及 日本等地广为展出,荣获多种褒奖,其中包括华沙国际招贴画双年展金奖、 第九届日本艺术节奖、21届奥运会国际纪念币设计竞赛一等奖、美国国际 招贴画展览奖等。多次获国际性大奖,包括: 1972年华沙国际海报展金奖; 1976 年教育部新人艺术促进奖; 1985年莫斯科国际海报展金奖; 1995 年联合国教科文组织的海报展大奖; 1995年赫尔辛基国际海报展大奖等。 2005年台湾国际海报设计大奖 他创作的大量招贴画使他饮誉全世界,成了国际上最引人注目、

日本视觉设计方案大师福田繁雄海报作品探析

日本视觉设计大师福田繁雄海报作品探析 张红颖吴卫<湖南工业大学包装设计艺术学院,湖南株洲 412008) 摘要:福田繁雄是日本当代视觉设计大师。他是将异质同构的设计理念,以视觉符号的形式呈现在其海报作品中的先驱。他善于运用图底转换、矛盾空间等错视原理,以单纯简洁的元素,诙谐幽默的形式,创造出富有哲理性思维的视觉世界。 关键词:福田繁雄;海报;异质同构;图底转换;矛盾空间 1、福田繁雄简介 福田繁雄<1932-)是日本当代视觉设计大师,他的设计理念及其设计作品所取得的成就,对当代平面设计界都产生了深远的影 响。福田于1932年生于日本东京,1951年<19岁)毕业于岩手县立福冈高等学校;1956年<24岁)于东京国家艺术大学设计系毕 业后,福田开始在其创作的作品中显示出独特的个性和观念,并借此开创出多种创作发展的方向和表现手法,成为当时较有名气 的设计新秀。1967年<35岁)即在美国纽约IBM画廊首次举办个人展,随后其作品在欧洲、美国及日本等地广为展出,并获得多 项大奖。1982年<50岁)他应美国耶鲁大学的邀请,担任客座讲师。同时,福田还是日本平面设计师协会

福田繁雄作品赏析

这几天一直忙到做老大的海报,一度陷入自己挖的坑里,和S交流了一下午。也有了些眉目。还不错,希望我能做好!下面我找了点日本著名平面设计师福田繁雄的作品分析,其实一些简单的东西都可以做得很有意思的。 大家看看也不错喔~ 福田繁雄海报作品分析 德国当代国际著名视觉设计大师霍尔戈·马蒂斯(Holger Matthies)教授曾经这样说: "一幅好的招贴,应该是靠图形语言说话而不是靠文字注解"。[2]福田的海报语言简洁、幽默、巧妙并深刻,常以简练的线和面构成,具有强烈的视觉张力,充分显示了他对图形语言的驾驭能力。福田把异质同构、视错觉等理念,以视觉符号的形式重现在其海报作品上,并将这些原理以客观和风趣的形式呈现,使简洁的图形成为信息传递的媒介,由此其设计作品兼具了艺术性与精神性的内涵。 福田作品突显魅力的法宝,是对错视原理的精到掌握和应用。他善于运用图底关系、矛盾空间等错视原理,使其作品大放光彩。正如福田自己所说的:"我的作品,无论是平面的、还是立体作品的创作核心,都是围绕着以视觉感官的问题为前提来进行思考。"[3]因此,他不断地对视错觉进行探求,将不可能的空间与事物进行巧妙的组合达到视觉上的新知,将合理的与不合理的共同营造出奇异的视觉世界,在看似荒谬的视觉形象中透出一种理性的秩序感和连续性。以下,笔者将以福田的海报为载体对其创作方式和理念进行分析。

图1 图2

图2)1945年的胜利,1975年 2.1异质同构原理的运用 福田是将异质同构的设计理念,以视觉符号的形式呈现在其海报作品中的先驱。在福田许多的海报作品中,可以看到他对该设计原理的巧妙运用。置换是其运用异质同构设计理念的一种表现形式,是指选择一个常规、简洁的图形为基本形态,保持其骨骼不变,再根据创意,置换新的元素,组成新形。这种表现手法,虽然物与形之间结构不变,但逻辑上的张冠李戴却使图形产生了更深远的意义。[4]其要点是借助一个基本形态,在保持基本形原来主要特征的前提下置换新的元素以完成再创造。 在其设计作品中,他所运用的置换元素不仅仅是对图形形态的简单更换,而是对置换元素进行反复推敲,始终保持着整体风格的一致性(见图3和图4),达到其设计意图。图3是其著名的作品《贝多芬第九交响曲》海报系列(1985年-2001年)。在这一系列作品中,福田以贝多芬头像作为基本形态,对人物的发部进行元素的置换。从一定距离观察这些作品,可以辨识出海报中的人物形象。但当我们仔细观察人物的发部时,它又是由不同的图形元素组成。在这里,音符、鸟、马等并不相关的图形元素,都被福田运用到他的这一系列海报中,这些元素丰富了同一主题海报的内涵,同时充满趣味性,更体现出设计者丰富的想象力。 又如,福田繁雄《F》海报系列(图4),主画面为福田名字的首字母"F",对该字母进行变化。该系列又不同于"贝多芬"系列中以发部轮廓为基本形态,在其轮廓内部根据主题内容进行图形元素的置换,而是以"F"为基本型,作者对其以往在众多平面作品中惯用的图形符号或表现方式进行的重现。如矛盾空间、图底反转等错视原理和手法的运用,坐着的女孩和奔跑着的动物形象的运用等。使其作品打上福田的符号,成为其异质同构中的又一代表性作品。 图3 (图3)《贝多芬第九交响曲》海报系列(部分作品),1985-2001年

福田繁雄之海报作品全集

1、福田繁雄简介 福田繁雄(1932-)是日本当代视觉设计大师,他的设计理念及其设计作品所取得的成就,对当代平面设计界都产生了深远的影响。福田于1932年生于日本东京,1951年(19岁)毕业于岩手县立福冈高等学校;1956年(24岁)于东京国家艺术大学设计系毕业后,福田开始在其创作的作品中显示出独特的个性和观念,并借此开创出多种创作发展的方向和表现手法,成为当时较有名气的设计新秀。1967年(35岁)即在美国纽约IBM画廊首次举办个人展,随后其作品在欧洲、美国及日本等地广为展出,并获得多项大奖。1982年(50岁)他应美国耶鲁大学的邀请,担任客座讲师。同时,福田还是日本平面设计师协会(JAGDA)副会长、国际平面设计师联盟(TADC)委员、国际平面设计师联盟(GAI)会员、英国皇家艺术协会(RDI)会员。 福田是继龟仓雄策、早川良雄等日本平面设计大师之后的第二代平面设计师。无论是在日本,还是在欧洲、美国等地,他都被视为一名设计天才。福田繁雄与岗特·兰堡(Gunter Rambow)、西摩·切瓦斯特(Seymour Chwast)并称为当代"世界三大平面设计师"。 他在高中时曾想成为一名漫画家,但由于当时艺术学校里没有漫画专业,最终将其幽默和天赋投入到设计领域,由此其设计作品具有浓厚的幽默性特点。例如他1975年设计的"1945年的胜利"(图2)这张海报,就采用类似漫画的表现形式,创造出一种简洁、诙谐的图形语言,描绘一颗子弹反向飞回枪管的形象,讽刺发动战争者自食其果,含义深刻。这张纪念二战结束30周年的海报设计,获得了国际平面设计大奖。其设计作品中的这种幽默、风趣,均能带给观 者一种视觉愉悦。 福田的创作范围相当广泛,除了书籍装帧设计、海报、月历、插图、标志设计等之外,也涉及工艺品、雕塑艺术、玩具、建筑壁画、景观造型等各种专业领域。他所涉及的设计领域,均能将其创作灵感发挥到极至,给人一种印象深刻的视觉美感与艺术表现力,流露其独特的创作魅力。他的大量的"福田式"的海报作品更为世人所熟知,现在的平面设计书籍中几乎都会出现他的作 品。 2.关于这篇文章 此文标题夸张了点,因为我想找到一个好心人把福田繁雄的所有作品做一个打包下载,那是最好的了.今天在网上找了半天都没找着这样的人,我决定把以前自己收集的发出来,这些珍贵的海报是我用数码相机在书店里拍的,记得那天下雨,早上出去,在书店呆了一整天,等周出书店也是万家灯火了,第二天用软件裁边,刹是辛苦,又弄了一天,放早博客里一直是私人收藏,别人都看不到的,也许是因为我的自私,也许是因为我觉得太珍贵,现在拿出来分享,我想这是目前网络上收集这位大师的作品最全的一篇文章,至少我这么认为,喜欢的朋友请顶一下. 3.福田繁雄海报与招贴

福田繁雄

福田繁雄 2009-03-29 09:13 Shigeo Fukuda 福田繁雄(1932-)是日本当代视觉设计大师,他的设计理念及其设计作品所取得的成就,对当代平面设计界都产生了深远的影响。福田于1932年生于日本东京,1951年(19岁)毕业于岩手县立福冈高等学校;1956年(24岁)于东京国家艺术大学设计系毕业后,福田开始在其创作的作品中显示出独特的个性和观念,并借此开创出多种创作发展的方向和表现手法,成为当时较有名气的设计新秀。1967年(35岁)即在美国纽约IBM画廊首次举办个人展,随后其作品在欧洲、美国及日本等地广为展出,并获得多项大奖。1982年(50岁)他应美国耶鲁大学的邀请,担任客座讲师。同时,福田还是日本平面设计师协会(JAGDA)副会长、国际平面设计师联盟(TADC)委员、国际平面设计师联盟(GAI)会员、英国皇家艺术协会(RDI)会员。 福田是继龟仓雄策、早川良雄等日本平面设计大师之后的第二代平面设计师。无论是在日本,还是在欧洲、美国等地,他都被视为一名设计天才。福田繁雄与岗特·兰堡(Gunter Rambow)、西摩·切瓦斯特(Seymour Chwast)并称为当代"世界三大平面设计师"。[1] 他在高中时曾想成为一名漫画家,但由于当时艺术学校里没有漫画专业,最终将其幽默和天赋投入到设计领域,由此其设计作品具有浓厚的幽默性特点。例如他1975年设计的"1945年的胜利"(图2)这张海报,就采用类似漫画的表现形式,创造出一种简洁、诙谐的图形语言,描绘一颗子弹反向飞回枪管的形象,讽刺发动战争者自食其果,含义深刻。这张纪念二战结束30周年的海报设计,获得了国际平面设计大奖。其设计作品中的这种幽默、风趣,均能带给观者一种视觉愉悦。 福田的创作范围相当广泛,除了书籍装帧设计、海报、月历、插图、标志设计等之外,也涉及工艺品、雕塑艺术、玩具、建筑壁画、景观造型等各种专业领域。他所涉及的设计领域,均能将其创作灵感发挥到极至,给人一种印象深刻的视觉美感与艺术表现力,流露其独特的创作魅力。他的大量的"福田式"的海报作品更为世人所熟知,现在的平面设计书籍中几乎都会出现他的作品。

浅谈正负形在海报设计中的应用论文

浅谈正负形在海报设计中的应用论文 海报设计是视觉传达设计的表现形式之一,通过画面的构成在 第一时间内吸引人们的目光。海报的发展距今已有100多年的历史,目前主要分为公益海报和商业海报。图形创意在公益海报中的表现尤为常见,正负形海报是其中的一种,给人们带来了不一样的视觉感受。正负形是图形的边线共用,图底反转。平面正负形是一种艺术图案,它可以给人以幻觉,使人产生两种感觉,这就是平面正负形的魅力。正形与负形是靠彼此界定的,同时又相互作用。一般的意义上,正形是积极向前的,而负形则是消极后退的,形成正负形的因素有很多,它依赖于对图形的具体表现与欣赏心理习惯。在xx年“世界日暨全 国海洋宣传日”活动期间,以“创意海洋”为主题,用正负形的手法创作《孕育》海报告诫人们保护海洋的重要性,为我国未来的海洋文化发展做出贡献。 当下国内学者及设计师对图形创意中正负形这一艺术表现手法,在海报设计中应用的优势进行探析越来越多。北京交通大学硕士胡艳霞写了《福田繁雄海报的视错觉图形表现语言探析》,在论文中就福田繁雄海报中视错觉图形表现语言的运用这一章中描述了正负图形 的运用与表现,平面设计中的正负图形是由原来的图底关系转变而来。解析了1915年的代表作品“鲁宾之杯”,是图底视错觉表现语言的 经典之作。鲁道夫·阿恩海姆认为:“图形与基底之间的关系,就是指一个封闭的式样与另一个和它同质的非封闭的背景之间的关系。”

对福田繁雄的早期海报设计进行解析。山西师范大学硕士牛彦然写了《视错觉在平面设计中的应用与研究》,在论文中各类视错觉在平面设计中的应用这一章中描述正负形同构,写了正负形的含义,对福田繁雄1975 年为日本京王百货设计的海报和《UCC 咖啡馆》海报进行说明,得出正负形共生正是利用了人们视觉心理上的不确定性,观众是通过转变视觉中心所看到的不同形态,具有动感。由于正负形是正形和负形共同使用同一条外轮廓线,最大限度将画面利用,其结构非常简洁紧凑,会被广泛地应用在平面设计中。山东艺术学院艺术实践与创作处王立章写了《论图形创意在招贴设计中的应用研究》,在论文中得出了正负形在招贴中的应用,赋予了招贴一种情绪,一种无形的巨大能量,使招贴常常富有深层寓意,达到一语双关,深化了平面招贴中图形和招贴的主题之间产生的共鸣。湖南工业大学包装设计艺术学院王婷婷写了《正负形在海报中的优势探析》,在论文中提出我们欣赏过海报在宣传过程中的有效应用和正负形这种幽默的表现形式,正负形和海报相结合更是设计师不竭的源泉,这样的设计作品,表现力极强。同时正负形在标志设计、产品设计、服装设计等各个设计领域有一定的影响。通过这些论文的例子总结正负形让海报设计充满视觉冲击力和艺术张力,可以让更多人了解并喜欢正负形海报。 第一,研究过程中选择了总结多篇论文对正负形在海报设计中运用的观点,来论证研究和创作正负形海报有相当大的现实意义。

【独家】浅析《孕育》海报

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Abstract Shigeo Fukuda numerous male is one of the three world graphic designers, his design idea and design works of famous in the world, the design of twentieth century has far-reaching influence he is good at using graph bottom conversion, contradiction space etc, with simple fault depending on principle of concise element, witty humor form, create rich philosophical thinking visual world. Keywords:Shigeo Fukuda;Poster;Heterogeneous isomorphism ;Figure bottom conversion;Contradiction space

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