Unit 3 Gender Difference新编大学英语第二版第四册课文翻译只是分享

Unit 3 Gender Difference

Gender Roles from a Cultural Perspective

Over the past few decades, it has been proven innumerable times that the various types of behavior, emotions, and interests that constitute being masculine and feminine are patterned by both heredity and culture. In the process of growing up, each child learns hundreds of culturally patterned details of behavior that become incorporated into its gender identity. Some of this learning takes place directly. In other words, the child is told by others how to act in an appropriately feminine or masculine way. Other details of gender behavior are taught unconsciously, or indirectly, as the culture provides different images, aspirations, and adult models for girls and boys.

Recently, for example, a study of American public schools showed that there is a cultural bias in education that favors boys over girls. According to the researchers, the bias is unintentional and unconscious, but it is there and it is influencing the lives of millions of schoolchildren every year. Doctors David and Myra Sadker videotaped classroom teachers in order to study gender-related bias in education. Their research showed that many teachers who thought they were nonsexist were amazed to see how biased they appeared on videotape. From nursery school to postgraduate courses, teachers were shown to call on males in class far more than on female students. This has a tremendous impact on the learning process for, in general, those students who become active classroom participants develop more positive attitudes and go on to higher achievement. As a matter of fact, in the late 1960s, when many of the best all-women's colleges in the northeastern United States opened their doors to male students, it was observed by professors and women students alike that the boys were "taking over" the classroom discussions and that active participation by women students had diminished noticeably. A similar subordination of female to male students has also been observed in law and medical school classrooms in recent years.

3 Research done by the Sadkers showed that sometimes teachers unknowingly prevented girls from participating as actively as boys in class by assigning them different tasks in accordance with stereotyped gender roles. For instance, one teacher conducting a science class with nursery school youngsters, continually had the little boys perform the scientific "experiment" while the girls were given the task of putting the materials away. Since hands-on work with classroom materials is a very important aspect of early education, the girls were thus being deprived of a vital learning experience that would affect their entire lives.

Another dimension of gender-biased education is the typical American teacher's assumption that boys will do better in the "hard", "masculine" subjects of math and science while girls are expected to have better verbal and reading skills. As an example of a self-fulfilling prophecy, American boys do, indeed, develop reading problems, while girls, who are superior to boys in math up to the age of nine, fall behind from then on. But these are cultural, not genetic patterns. In Germany, for example, all studies are considered "masculine", and it is girls who develop reading problems. And in Japan, where early education appears to be nonsexist, both girls and boys do equally well in reading.

The different attitudes associated with the educational process for girls and boys begin at home. One study, for example, showed that when preschoolers were asked to look at a picture of a house and tell how far away from the house they were permitted to go, the boys indicated a much wider area than the girls, who generally pointed out a very limited area close to the home. Instead of being encouraged to develop intellectual curiosity and physical skills that are useful in dealing with the outside world, as boys are, girls are filled with fears of the world outside the home and with the desire to be approved of for their "goodness" and obedience to rules. These lessons carry over from the home to the classroom, where girls are generally observed to be more dependent on the teacher, more concerned with the form and neatness of their work than with its content, and more anxious about being "right" in their answers than in being intellectually independent, analytical, or original. Thus, through the educational process that occupies most of the child's waking hours, society reinforces its established values and turns out each gender in its traditional and expected mold.

从文化角度看性别角色

1 在过去的几十年里，已经无数次地证实了这样一个事实：构成男子阳刚之气和女子阴柔之气的各种不同类型的行为、情感、和兴趣都既是遗传又是文化熏陶的结果。在成长的过程中，每个孩子学会了细微的行为举止，数量之多数以百计，这一切都带有文化的烙印，成了他们性别特征的一部分。有些行为举止是直接学到的。也就是说，别人教孩子如何恰如其分地行事, 男有男的规矩, 女有女的标准。另一些跟性别有关的具体举止是无意识地或间接地学会的，因为文化为女孩子和男孩子提供的形象、向往的目标以及成人的榜样各不相同。

2 例如，最近对美国公立学校的一项研究显示，在教育中存在一种男孩比女孩更受偏爱的文化偏见。据研究人员反映，这种偏爱是无意的、不知不觉的，但它确实存在，并每年都在影响着数百万计学生的生活。为了研究在教育中存在的性别偏爱，戴维?赛德克博士和迈拉?赛德克博士夫妇录制了教师在课堂上课的情形。他们的研究显示，许多自认为无性别偏

爱的教师惊奇地发现，从录像带上看他们竟是那么偏心。从幼儿园到研究生课程，都可以看到教师们请男生回答问题的次数远比女生多。这对学习过程有着巨大的影响，因为总的来说，那些积极的课堂活动参与者对学习更加乐观有信心，并能在今后取得更大的成就。事实上，在20世纪60年代末期，当美国东北部多所最好的女子学院向男生开放之后，教授们和女学生们都发现男孩们正在“接管”课堂讨论，而女生积极参与的程度则明显下降。近年来，在法学院和医学院的课堂上也发现了类似的情况：与男生相比女生处于次要的地位。

3 赛德克夫妇所做的研究显示，教师有时候会按照固有的性别模式给女孩子和男孩子不同布置的任务，这样便不知不觉地使女孩子不能像男孩子一样积极地参与。例如，有位教师在给幼儿园的孩子上自然科学课时，不断地让小男孩去操作科学“实验”，而让女孩子只是做一些安放材料的工作。既然使用课堂材料动手操作是早期教育的一个重要方面，这些女孩子就这样被剥夺了重要的学习经历，这会影响到她们今后的整个人生。

4 美国教师中一个具有代表性的想法是，男孩擅长数学和自然科学，这些学科都是“难懂的”、“适合于男性的”，而女孩会在语言和阅读技能上比男孩强。这是教育中性别偏见的另一种表现。结果美国的男孩们确实在阅读上出了问题，而在数学方面女孩尽管在九岁以前一直比男孩强，但此后却落在了他们后面。这成了预言自我应验的一个例子。然而这些特征是文化造成的，而非遗传的原因。例如，在德国，读书学习都被看作是“适合于男性的”，于是在阅读上有问题的便是女孩子了。而在日本，由于早期教育似乎不分性别，女孩和男孩在阅读上就旗鼓相当。

5 在教育过程中对女孩和男孩的不同态度始于家庭。例如，有一项研究显示了这样一种情况：让学龄前儿童看一幢房子的图片，然后要他们说出家里允许他们走开多远，这时男孩所指的范围要比女孩大得多，女孩指出的范围很有限，而且离家很近。女孩们不像男孩那样受到鼓励去发展求知欲和动手能力，尽管这些正是与外部世界打交道时有用的；对女孩灌输的结果是：对自己家外面的世界充满了恐惧，且期望别人对自己的优良品格和循规蹈矩的服从精神加以认可。这类教诲从家庭一直延续到课堂。于是，在课堂里我们常常可以看到女孩们更依赖教师，更注重作业的形式和整洁而非内容，更在乎她们所给的答案是否“正确”而不在乎智力方面的独立自主以及分析能力和创造能力的提高。教育过程占据了孩子除睡眠以外的大部分时间，社会则通过这一过程加强了它固有的价值观，并按其传统的、期望的模式造就了不同性别的人。

Boys Are Teachers' Pets

The classroom is a man's world, where boys get two-thirds of the teachers' attention even when they are in a minority. They are allowed to tease the girls and they receive praise for sloppy work that would not be tolerated from girls. Boys are accustomed to

being teachers pets, and, if girls get anything like equal treatment, boys will protest and even disrupt lessons.

These claims are made in a book out this week, written by Dale Spender, a lecturer at the London University Institute of Education. She argues that discrimination against girls is so typical of co-educational schools that single-gender classes are the only answer.

Her case is based on tape-recordings of her own and other teachers' lessons. Many of them, like Spender, had deliberately set out to give girls a fair chance. "Sometimes," says Spender, "I have even thought I have gone too far and have spent more time with the girls than the boys."

The tapes proved otherwise. In 10 taped lessons (in secondary school and college), Spender never gave the girls more than 42 percent of her attention (the average was 38 percent) and never gave the boys less than 58 percent. There were similar results for other teachers, both male and female.

In other words, when teachers give girls more than a third of their time, they feel that they are depriving the boys of their rightful share. And so do the boys themselves. "She always asked the girls all the questions," said one boy in a classroom where 34 percent of the teachers' time was allocated to girls. "She doesn't like boys, and just listens to the girls," said a boy in another class, where his gender got 63 percent of the teacher's attention.

Boys regarded two-thirds of the teacher's time as a fair deal—and when they got less they caused trouble in class and even complained to a higher authority. "It's important to keep their attention," said one teacher. "Otherwise, they behave very badly."

According to Spender's research, double standards pervade the classroom. "When boys ask questions, protest, or challenge the teacher, they are often met with respect and rewards; when girls engage in exactly the same behavior, they are often met with criticism and punishment."

A boy seeking attention will quickly get a response from a teacher. "But girls can be ignored; their hands can be held up for ages, and their often polite requests for assistance are disregarded as the teacher is obliged to remain with the boys."

One girl, talking about a male teacher, commented: "You wouldn't want to have your hand up to tell him there was a fire, if you were a girl. We'd all burn to death before he asked you what you wanted to say.

Boys' written work, too, is judged by different standards, says Spender. When she asked teachers to mark essays and projects, the same work got better marks when teachers were told that it came from boys. "When a boy decides to make a thing of it,

there's not a girl that can match him," one teacher said of a project on inventions. But, in fact, the work had been done by a girl.

Neat and tidy work from girls was treated with some contempt. "I think she could have spent more time on getting some facts than on making it look pretty, was one comment. "Typical, isn't it? All that effort just to make it look nice—YOU can't beat girls for being concerned with appearances," was another. But when Spender indicated that the work came from a boy, the tune changed dramatically.

Spender concludes that, in mixed classes, the girls are at a disadvantage. If they are as noisy and ambitious as the boys, they are considered "unladylike"; if they are quiet and passive, they are ignored.

A few schools have introduced single-gender groups for math and science, says Spender, and have found significant improvements in girls' results. Separating boys and girls within schools for certain subjects—rather than a return to single-gender schools—is the most hopeful solution she suggests.

男生是老师的宠儿

1教室是男生的天下；即使在他们人数并不占多数时，老师三分之二的注意力仍花在他们身上。他们被允许取笑女生，他们作业做得马虎却受表扬，要是女生做这样的作业就得不到宽容。男生们已经习惯于做老师的宠儿。如果女生也得到同等待遇，男生就会抗议，甚至扰乱课堂。

2以上这些话是伦敦大学教育学院的讲师戴尔·斯彭德在她本周出版的一本书中讲的。她认为在男女同校的学校里，歧视女生的现象太典型了，唯一的解决办法是实行男女生分班上课。3她是根据她自己和其他老师的课堂录像这样说的。像斯彭德一样，许多老师曾有意给女生公平的机会。斯彭德说：“有时我甚至觉得我做得太过分了，我花在女生身上的时间比男生多。”

4录像显示并非如此。在录了像的10节课(包括中学和大学课堂)里，斯彭德对女生的关注从未超出42％(平均为38％)，而对男生的关注均超过58％。其他男女老师的情况也都相似。5也就是说，当老师花在女生身上的时间超过三分之一时，他们就觉得自己剥夺了男生应得的时间。男生们自己也这样认为。“她老是问女生问题，”当老师在课堂上给了女生34％注意力时，一位男生这样说——“她不喜欢男生，她只听女生发言，”另一个班上的一位男生说——而在他的班上，老师对男生的关注占到63％。

6男生认为老师花三分之二的时间在他们身上是公平的——如果少于这个时间，就会在课堂上捣乱，甚至向上级主管投诉。一位老师说：“吸引他们的注意力是非常重要的，不然他们会表现得很糟糕。”

7根据斯彭德的研究，课堂教学普遍实行双重标准。“当男生提问、表示反对甚至质疑老师

时，他们通常得到尊重和奖励；而女生这样做却常常受到批评和惩罚。”

8当男生需要老师关注时，能很快得到老师的回应。“然而女生的要求会被忽视；她们长时间地举着手，通常很礼貌地请求帮助但老师不予理睬，因为老师必须关注那些男生。”

9一位女生在谈及一位男教师时评论道：“如果你是个女生，起火了你都不想举手告诉他。因为在他问你想说什么之前，我们已全都烧死了。”

10斯彭德说，男生的书面作业也是按不同的标准来评判的。当她让教师评判学生的论文和课题时，在告诉老师这是男生做的之后，同样的作业给的分数会高些。一位教师在谈到一项关于发明的课题时说：“当男生决定把作业当回事时，没有哪个女生能比得上他。”但实际上，这项课题是一位女生完成的。

ll女生交上来的整洁干净的作业被嗤之以鼻。“我想她本可以多花些时间补充些事实，而不是花时间让作业显得美观，”一位老师这样评论。“很典型，是不是?所有的努力只是为了让它好看些——你不能因为女生关注外表而揍他们一顿啊，”另一位老师这样看。但是当斯彭德指出作业是一位男生做的以后，语气就明显地改变了。

12斯彭德总结说，女生在男女混合班中总处于不利的地位。如果女生像男生一样吵闹、野心勃勃，那么她们会被认为“没有教养”；如果她们安静而顺从的话，又会被忽视。

13斯彭德说，有些学校推行了数学课和自然科学课男女分班上课的办法，并且发现女生的成绩有显著的提高。她建议说，最有希望的解决办法是在学校内对某些课程实行男女分班上课——而不是像过去那样男女分校上学。

Stereotypes and Individual Differences

Stereotypes are types of generalization that are useful in organizing the massive amounts of information to which people are exposed. As with any generalization, the formation of stereotypes downplays the behavior of specific individuals and stresses trends across large numbers of people. 1 After many observations of different individuals, people from all over the world are likely to see more aggressive behavior in men, more nurturant behavior in women, more assertion of leadership among men, and more passivity among women in mixed-gender groups. These observations become part of the universal stereotypes of men and women. When drawing their conclusions about men and women, observers do not focus on individual differences. They do not focus their attention on the individual aggressive woman or the passive man.

In their studies, Williams and Best found that passivity was part of the stereotype of females in 25 cultures. Other parts of the stereotype were that females were respectful, nurturant, and sociable. In addition to an explanation based on biological differences that lead to responsibilities for child care, Williams and Best asserted that additional

arguments need to be made about the reasons for the stereotype. One argument is that people become comfortable believing that members of each gender either have or can develop the characteristics that are necessary to carry out tasks in a smooth-functioning society. If females are to have a principal responsibility for the care of the young, it is reassuring to believe that they can be—or can become—affectionate, gentle, patient, sympathetic, and so on. If males are to serve as hunters and warriors, it is comforting to believe that they can be—or can become—adventurous, aggressive, courageous, energetic, independent, self-confident, and the like. It may be in this context, the "justification of necessity" with regard to different social roles, that many of the gender-trait stereotypes originated. Once established, the beliefs concerning the psychological makeup serve as norms for the behavior of adult men and women and provide models for the socialization of girls and boys toward their assigned gender roles.

Another needed part of the explanation is consistent with some feminist approaches to the analysis of gender differences. According to these studies, once men are socialized to act in a dominant manner, they become comfortable with their power over women and develop norms that keep women in inferior positions. People who hold power learn to enjoy it and are unwilling to let go of it. When men have power, they often develop beliefs that maintain it (e.g. "We are better at making tough decisions.") Further, they develop other beliefs that make it difficult for women to gain access to power (e.g. "They are really happier in homemaker roles.")

Returning to the arguments about gender, the tendency for women to become passive in the company of men does not have to dictate behavior among adults in today's world. After all, it is possible for women, who find themselves deferring to men during arguments and discussions in the workplace, to try to break old habits. They can, for example, make a point of asking relevant questions and of becoming more active participants in the discussion. In other words, they can make a conscious decision to move beyond traditional male-female tendencies. The liberation that stems from moving beyond traditional gender roles can benefit members of both sexes. Men who have a tendency to dominate meetings, for instance, may want to make a point of listening to and respecting the contributions of others. They may find that the meetings will be much more productive. Time and energy will be spent on developing good ideas rather than on sorting out positions in the dominance hierarchy.

As women decide to move into roles that were traditionally denied them, there is a decrease in the number of sharp distinctions that once marked the behavior of men and women. School-related performance is an example. If there once was a stereotype that

women perform less well than men in mathematics and better in language and the arts, the differences today are almost nonexistent. Once females are encouraged to take advanced mathematics courses, and once males are encouraged to pursue interests in language and the arts, they are able to take advantage of a school's offerings without the prejudice that "boys do better in math, girls do better in areas involving verbal skills". In an ideal world, once opportunities within a society are opened up to members of both genders, individuals can pursue various goals based on their abilities and interests. Further, they can pursue their goals without the constant concern that there will eventually be limits placed on them. This ideal world does not yet exist, but there has been research in diverse cultures that has given insights into what a society without unnecessary gender restrictions might look like. Research has focused on the pressures for movements away from traditional restrictions and the results of the changes in the behavior of males and females. Many of these changes have resulted in the disappearance of the sharp differentiation between the behavior of males and females.

你拥有哪一种大脑?

1男人的大脑和女人的大脑有本质区别吗?我的理论是，女人的大脑生来富有同情心，而男人的大脑则生来擅长理解和构建系统。

2同情心是一种本能，使人们愿意去发现他人的感情和想法并用适当的情感做出反应；而使事物系统化是另外一种本能，使人们愿意分析和探索系统结构并推导出支配系统功能的基本规则；它同时也是构建系统的本能。

3每个人(不论男女)都有一个具体的“大脑类型”。大脑通常有三种类型：有些人，同情性强于系统性，这种大脑称作女性大脑，或E型大脑。而另一些人，系统性强于同情性，这种大脑称作男性大脑，或S型大脑。还有一些人具有同样强的同情性和系统性，这种大脑被称作“平衡型大脑”，或者B型大脑。

4这个理论的重要特点是，你的性别不能说明你拥有哪一类型的大脑。并非所有的男人都有男性大脑，同样并非所有女人都有女性大脑。这个理论的核心主张是，总的来说男性拥有S 型大脑的人比女性多，而女性拥有E型大脑的人比男性多。

5是不是女人更富有同情心呢?就我们平时的所见所闻来说，这个理论是成立的。例如，我们都知道，人们在火车站台或机场休息室的报刊亭里会选择不同的读物。女人更有可能去看杂志架上有关时尚、爱情、美容、亲情、人际关系顾问、父母须知的杂志，而男人却更可能去看杂志架上有关计算机、汽车、船舶、摄影、自己动手知识、体育运动、高保真音响设备、枪械、工具的杂志。

6但是E—S理论不只是停留在日常见闻所提供的证据上，而是收集整理了科学证据，并研究这些差异的根源。

7关于女性富有同情心的证据来自许多不同方面。例如，研究表明，当一群孩子在一起玩一个带单目镜的小电影放映机时，男孩往往会得到更多的机会(占用那个单目镜向里)观看。他们干脆把女孩们挤到一边去了。同情心少了点，更多的是以自我为中心。又例如，如果你把一些孩子们可以坐在上面开的大塑料汽车放在那里让他们玩，你会看到更多的小男孩在玩“撞击”游戏。他们故意开车去撞别的小孩。而小女孩开车会小心些，经常避开其他小孩。这表明女孩对他人更体谅。

8同情心方面的性别差异最早是在什么时候明显表现出来的呢?的确，在12个月大的时候，女孩就比男孩做更多的目光接触。然而，我在剑桥大学自己实验室进行的一项新的研究表明：刚出生时，女孩看脸孔的时间更长些，而男孩花更多的时间看悬在空中由机械装置控制的风铃。另外，剑桥研究小组进一步发现，孩子进行多少目光接触，在一定程度上取决于出生前的睾丸素这个生物因素。测量羊水中该荷尔蒙的含量证实了这一发现。

9所有这些构成了大量的证据，表明女性在同情心方面有优势，其中至少涉及一些生物方面的决定因素。那么男性在系统性方面有优势又是怎么回事呢?

10从蹒跚学步起，男孩子就对汽车、卡车、飞机、刀枪、积木以及机械玩具这些系统感兴趣。他们似乎喜欢组装东西，搭建玩具塔和城镇或是装配车辆。男孩还喜欢玩有明确功能的玩具，喜欢有按钮的东西、会亮的东西或者能使别的物体运动的装置。

ll在成人的工作场所，你会看到同样的情况。有些职业的从业人员几乎全部都是男性。例如金属加工、武器制造、乐器制作或建造工业如造船之类。这些职业的核心是建造系统装置。像数学、物理和工程类职业，系统性要求很高，也大都是男性的选择。

12男性更喜欢将兴趣集中在系统装置上，这一点也很早就表现出来了。我们在剑桥的研究发现，一岁时小男孩就更爱看汽车(机械装置)题材的电影，而不是有脸孔(具有许多面部感情的)的电影。小女孩的喜好则刚好相反。

13当然，我们知道假以时日，文化和社会化确实在决定男性大脑或女性大脑方面起一定的作用，但是这些研究都强烈表明生物因素在一定程度上也发挥作用。

14这样的理论会引起忧虑吗?一些人也许会担心：这意味着一种性别比另一种性别更优越。但稍稍思考一下，就清楚对此不必过分担忧。这个理论是说，通常男性和女性的区别在于吸引他们的事物和他们认为容易的事情不同，但是两性都有各自的优点和缺点。总的来说，没有哪个性别更优越。

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浙大出版社 英语答案(第四册)

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课内阅读参考译文及课后习题答案(Book 4) Unit 1 享受幽默—什么东西令人开怀？ 1 听了一个有趣的故事会发笑、很开心，古今中外都一样。这一现象或许同语言本身一样悠久。那么，到底是什么东西会使一个故事或笑话让人感到滑稽可笑的呢？ 2 我是第一次辨识出幽默便喜欢上它的人，因此我曾试图跟学生议论和探讨幽默。这些学生文化差异很大，有来自拉丁美洲的，也有来自中国的。我还认真地思考过一些滑稽有趣的故事。这么做完全是出于自己的喜好。 3 为什么听我讲完一个笑话后，班上有些学生会笑得前仰后合，而其他学生看上去就像刚听我读了天气预报一样呢？显然，有些人对幽默比别人更敏感。而且，我们也发现有的人很善于讲笑话，而有的人要想说一点有趣的事却要费好大的劲。我们都听人说过这样的话：―我喜欢笑话，但我讲不好，也总是记不住。‖有些人比别人更有幽默感，就像有些人更具有音乐、数学之类的才能一样。一个真正风趣的人在任何场合都有笑话可讲，而且讲了一个笑话，就会从他记忆里引出一连串的笑话。一个缺乏幽默感的人不可能成为一群人中最受欢迎的人。一个真正有幽默感的人不仅受人喜爱，而且在任何聚会上也往往是人们注意的焦点。这么说是有道理的。 4 甚至有些动物也具有幽默感。我岳母从前经常来我们家，并能住上很长一段时间。通常她不喜欢狗，但却很喜欢布利茨恩—我们养过的一条拉布拉多母猎犬。而且，她们的这种喜欢是相互的。布利茨恩在很小的时候就常常戏弄外祖母，当外祖母坐在起居室里她最喜欢的那张舒适的椅子上时，布利茨恩就故意把她卧室里的一只拖鞋叼到起居室，并在外祖母刚好够不到的地方蹦来跳去，一直逗到外祖母忍不住站起来去拿那只拖鞋。外祖母从椅子上一起来，布利茨恩就迅速跳上那椅子，从它那闪亮的棕色眼睛里掠过一丝拉布拉多式的微笑，无疑是在说：―啊哈，你又上了我的当。‖ 5 典型的笑话或幽默故事由明显的三部分构成。第一部分是铺垫（即背景），接下来是主干部分（即故事情节），随后便是妙语（即一个出人意料或令人惊讶的结尾）。如果这个妙语含有一定的幽默成分，这个笑话便会很有趣。通常笑话都包含这三部分，而且每部分都必须交代清楚。如果讲故事或说笑话的人使用听众都熟悉的手势和语言，则有助于增强效果。 6 我们可以对幽默这种娱乐形式，进行分析，从而发现究竟是什么使一个有趣的故事或笑话令人发笑。举例来说，最常见的幽默有以下几种，包括了从最显而易见的幽默到比较微妙含蓄的幽默。 7 ―滑稽剧‖是最明显的幽默。它语言简单、直截了当，常常以取笑他人为乐。说笑打闹这种形式过去是、现在仍然是滑稽说笑演员和小丑的惯用技巧。它为不同年龄、不同文化背景的人们所喜爱。几乎本世纪的每个讲英语的滑稽说笑演员都曾以这样或那样的方式说过下面这则笑话。一位男士问另一位男士：―昨晚我看到的那位和你在一起的贵妇是谁？‖那位男士回答道：―那可不是什么贵妇，那是我老婆。‖这个笑话的幽默之处在于第二位男士说他的妻子不是一位贵妇，也就是说她不是一个高雅的女人。这个笑话并没有因为经常讲而变得不再那么好笑。由于这是一个经典笑话，观众都知道要说什么，而且因为大家对这个笑话很熟悉而更加珍爱它。 8 中国的相声是一种特殊的滑稽剧。相声中两名中国喜剧演员幽默地谈论诸如官僚主义者、家庭问题或其他一些有关个人的话题。相声随处都能听到，无论是在乡村的小舞台上，还是在北京最大的剧院里，抑或在广播、电视上。它显然是中国人家喻户晓的一种传统的幽默形式。 9 ―俏皮话‖不像滑稽剧那样浅显，它是因语言的误用或误解而引人发笑。我特别喜欢的一个例子是三位年长的绅士在英国乘火车旅行的故事。当火车慢慢停下来时，第一位绅士问道：―这是Wembley (温布利)吗？‖―不，‖第二位绅士说：―是Thursday (星期四)。‖―我也是，‖第三位说道，―让我们下车喝杯啤酒吧。‖我们知道上了年纪的人往往耳背，因此会把Wembley（温布利）听成了Wednesday（星期三），把Thursday（星期四）听成了thirsty（渴了），这样一来就为第三位老人的妙语做好了铺垫。 10 著名的中国漫画家和幽默家丁聪便是一位俏 皮话大师。在他的一幅幽默漫画中，一位老师说： ―你为什么一字不改地抄别人的作业？‖那位年轻的 学生回答道：―我没有一字不改地抄。我把作业上的 名字改成自己的了。‖在丁聪的另一幅经典漫画里， 一位生气的父亲问道：―告诉我，1加2等于几？‖ 儿子说：―我不知道。‖这位不耐烦的父亲接着说道： ―比方说，你、你妈妈和我，我们加起来一共是几个， 傻瓜？‖儿子得意地回答道：―是三个傻瓜。‖ 这些 故事无论是漫画还是笑话，是由演滑稽剧的喜剧演 员说还是由搭档的相声演员讲，都为各地人们所喜 爱。人们喜爱这些有趣的故事，因为它们贴近现实 生活，而且里面那些出人意料的妙语十分有趣。 11 双关语是一种更微妙的俏皮话。它使用的技巧 是利用发音相似的词或同一个词的不同意思。有些 批评家认为双关语是最低级的幽默，但我不同意这 种观点。双关语与其他形式的幽默相比需要更细 微、更巧妙的语言技巧；然而，简单的双关语甚至 很小的孩子也能利用。例如，谜语或脑筋急转弯问 题常使用双关语做铺垫、制造故事情节，而且更多 地是用在妙语部分。双关语是我最早懂得的幽默。 记得大约在五岁时我听到了下面这个谜语。一个人 问：―什么东西整个儿是黑的、白的和红的？‖另外 一个人通常猜不出来，于是问道：―我不猜了。是什 么呀？‖出谜语的人回答：―是报纸。‖如果你知道在 英语中―red（红色）‖和―read（读）‖的读音一样但 意思完全不同，答案就很明显了。 12 DOUBLE ENTENDRES （法语中的―一语双 关‖）是双关语的特殊形式, 其中的词或短语有双重 意思。两个意思往往很不相同，一个比较恰当，另 一个往往比较粗俗—但并不总是这样。我喜欢那个 关于一位中学教师和校长因看见学生在学校操场 上接吻而感到担心的故事。故事并不过火。那位教 师对学生们说；―我和校长已经决定停止在学校操场 上接吻。‖听到笑声，她意识到她没有把意思表达清 楚，于是补充说：―我的意思是不能再在我们的鼻子 下面发生接吻这样的事了。‖当然，这个解释并没有 纠正她的第一句话，反而使这个笑话的双重含义变 得更加好笑。 13 一些专业的幽默家认为如今的幽默大多缺乏 智慧，不够巧妙。他们不喜欢在幽默中过多使用有 色情意味或粗俗的语言，而且觉得大多数幽默家缺 乏创造性。的确，现在有些幽默令人震惊，但我认 为这不是幽默的过错。幽默本身是活泼健康的，它 还会继续生存下去，只因为每天都有有趣的事情发 生。一些有幽默感的人会看到听到这些有趣的事 情，并把它们编成妙趣横生、令人开心的笑话和故 事。 V ocabulary 1. 1) A. entertaining B. entertainment C. entertained D. entertainer 2) A. recognizable B. recognized C. recognition 3) A. tempting B. temptation C. tempt 4) A. reasoned B. reasoning C. reasonable D. reason 5) A. analyzed B. analytical C. analyst D. analysis 6) A. valuable B. valuation C. valued/values D. values 7) A. humorist B. humor C. humorous D. humorless 8) A. understandable B. understanding C. understand D. misunderstood 2. 1) a sense of responsibility 2) a sense of safety/security 3) a sense of inferiority 4) a sense of superiority 5) a sense of rhythm 6) a sense of justice 7) a sense of shame 8) a sense of helplessness 9) a sense of direction 10) a sense of urgency 3. 1) Lively behavior is normal 2) Fast cars appeal to 3) diverse arguments 4) I asked my boss for clarification 5) sensitive to light 6) Mutual encouragement 7) made fun of him 8) persists in his opinion/viewpoint 9) to be the focus/center of attention 10) we buy our tickets in advance 4. 1）certain/sure 2) involved 3) end 4) behavior 5) disciplining 6) agreed 7) individually 8) first 9) response 10) question 11) attempt 12) voice 13) directly 14) followed 15) trouble Unit 2 便笺的力量 1 我当体育编辑，最早是为蒙比利埃（俄亥俄州） 的《企业导报》工作，当时我很少收到体育迷的来 信。因此，一天早晨放在我桌上的一封来信把我吸 引住了。 2 打开来信，我看到了下面的话：―关于老虎队的 述评很不错，再接再厉。‖签名的是体育编辑堂?沃 尔夫。当时我只是一个十几岁的小伙子（为每一竖 栏写一英寸文字，稿酬总计达15美分），因此他的 话最鼓舞人心了。我把这封信一直放在书桌的抽屉 里，后来它的边角都卷起来了。每当我怀疑自己不 是当作家的料时，重温一下堂的便笺，就又会树起 信心来。 3 后来，我逐渐对堂有所了解，知道给各行各业 的人写快捷而鼓舞人心的便笺是他养成的习惯。他 告诉我说：―当我使别人充满信心时，我也感觉好极 了。‖ 4 因此毫不奇怪，他的朋友圈子就像附近的伊利 湖那么大。去年他去世了，享年75岁。电话与悼 函像潮水般涌向报社，都来自于曾经得到过他激励 （文字）的人们。 5 多年来，我努力效仿堂以及我的其他朋友，他 们关心别人，常写一些鼓舞人心的话语，因为我觉 得，他们这样做是很有意义的。在这样一个惯于冷 漠、无动于衷的世界上，这种便笺给人们带来了温 暖和安慰。我们都时不时地需要鼓励，大家知道几 行赞扬的话会改变一个人的一天，甚至一生。 6 那么，这些激励人心的便笺的作者为什么寥若 晨星呢？我猜想很多人回避写，是因为他们太看重 人们的看法。他们担心会被误解，怕别人觉得他们 自作多情或者言不由衷。还有，写也要花时间，远 不如打电话方便。 7 当然打电话的缺点是：说过的话留不住。而一 张便笺使我们的良好意愿显得更加珍贵。便笺是白 纸黑字记录在案的东西，而且我们写下的字可以反 复阅读，细细品味并珍藏起来。 8 尽管写便笺会多花一些时间，但一些非常忙的 人也在这么做，其中包括乔治?布什。有人说，他政 治上的成功在很大程度上归功于他那枝随时准备 写字的笔。这是怎么回事呢？在他整个职业生涯 中，每次与人们接触之后，他几乎都随后写封信， 内容亲切——一句赞美之辞，一行表扬的话，或一 段感谢语。他不仅写给朋友和同事，还写给萍水相 逢的人以及完全陌生的人——比如那位借伞给他 的人，后来收到他热情的赞扬信，感到很惊讶。 9 那些通常做作的公司高层经理们，其领导作风 只能被形容为强硬、冷漠、脱离群众。甚至这些人 也开始学习写便笺去鼓舞人心，且从中获益匪浅。 唐纳德?彼得森，福特公司的前主席，把每天写便笺 鼓励同事当作一件日常工作。该公司在80年代时 走出低谷取得成功主要是他的功劳。―我只不过匆匆 地在备忘录或信的角上写一些鼓舞人心的话，然后 传递出去，‖他说道。―每天最重要的一段时间，就 是鼓舞那些为你工作的人的那10分钟。‖ 10 ―太多的时候，‖他发表自己的看法说，―那些 我们真正喜欢的人并不知道我们是怎么看待他们 的。太多的时候，我们会以为，我并没有说过什么 批评的话，为什么非得去说好话呢？我们忘了，人 类需要正面的肯定或鼓励——事实上，我们靠这个 取得进步，获得成功！‖ 11 怎样才能写出振奋精神、温暖人心的信呢？只 要我们怀有要表示感激之情的心愿。写这种便笺的 高手都具有我所谓的―４S‖技巧。 12 １）真诚(sincere)。没人要听虚假的赞美。 13 ２）简短(short)。如果不能用三句话表达出你 的意思，你很可能过火了，写得太长。 14 ３）具体(specific)。赞扬一位业务伙伴―演讲