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P r e s e n t i n g a s p e e c h


Of all human creations, language may be the most remarkable. Through


language we share experience, formulate values, exchange ideas, transmit


knowledge, and sustain culture. Indeed, language is vital to think itself.

传承文化。事实上,对语言本身的思考也是至关重要的。[Contrary to popular belief], language | does not simply mirror reality but

also helps to create our sense of reality [by giving meaning to events].




Good speakers have respect for language and know how it works. Words are the tools of a speaker’s craft. They have special uses, just like the tools of any other profession. As a speaker, you should be aware of the meaning of words and know how to use language accurately, clearly,vividly,and appropriately.


Using language accurately is as vital to a speaker as using numbers accurately to a accountant. Never use a word unless you are sure of its meaning. If you are not sure, look up the word in the dictionary. As you prepare your speeches, ask yourself constantly, “What do I really want to say? What do I really mean?”Choose words that are precise and accurate.


Using language clearly allows lix;=steners to grasp your meaning immediately. You can ensure this [by using familiar words (that are known to the average person and require no specialized background); by choosing concrete words in preference to more abstract ones, and by eliminating verbal clutter].


Using language vividly helps bring your speech to life. One way (to make your speech vivid)|is through imagery,or the creation of word pictures. You can develop imagery by using concrete language, simile, and metaphor. Simile is an explicit comparison between things (that are essentially different yet have something in common); it always contains the words “like”or “as”. Metaphor is an implicit comparison between things that are different yet have something in common; it does not contain the words “like”or “as”.



“像”或“似”。隐喻则是一种隐藏的比较,不会出现like 和as 这些连接词。

Another way to make your speeches vivid is by exploiting the rhythm of language. Four devices for creating rhythm are parallelism, repetition, alliteration, and antithesis. Parallelism is the similar arrangement of a pair or series of related words, phrases, or sentences. Repetition is the use of the same word or set of words at the beginning or end of successive clauses or sentences. Alliteration comes from repeating the initial constant sounds of close or adjoining words. Antithesis is the juxtaposition of contrasting ideas, usually in parallel structure.


Using language appropriately means adapting to the particular occasion, audience, and topic at hand. It also means developing your own language style instead of trying to copy someone else’s. If your language is appropriate in all respects, your speech is much more likely to succeed.


Good speeches are not composed of hot air and unfounded assertions. They need strong supporting materials to bolster the speaker’s point of view.In fact, the skillful use of supporting materials often makes the difference between a good speech and a poor one.The three basic types of supporting materials are examples,statistics and testimony.


In the course of a speech you may use brief examples—specific instances referred to in passing—and sometimes you may want to give several brief examples in a row to create a stronger impression. Extended examples—often called illustrations, narrations, or anecdotes—are longer and more detailed.Hypothetical examples describe imagery situations and can be quite effective for relating ideas to the audience. All three kinds of examples help to clarify ideas, to reinforce ideas, or to personalize ideas. To be more effective, though, they should be vivid and richly textured.


Statistics can be extremely helpful in conveying your message, [as long as you use them sparingly and explain them so they are meaningful to your audience.] Above all, you should understand your statistics and use them fairly. Numbers can easily be manipulated and distorted. Make sure {that your figures are representative of {what they claim to measure},that you use statistical measures correctly, and that you take statistics only from reliable sources.}


Testimony is especially helpful for student speakers, because they are seldom recognized as

expects on their speech topics. Citing the views of people(who are experts)is a good way to make your ideas more credible. When you include testimony in a speech, you can either quote someone verbatim or paraphrase their words. As with statistics, there are guidelines for using testimony.Be sure to quote or paraphrase accurately and to cite qualified unbiased sources. If the source is not generally known to your audience, be certain to establish his or her credentials.


The impact of a speech is strongly affected by how the speech is delivered. You cannot make a speech without having something to say. But having something to say is not enough.You must also know how to say it.Good delivery does not call attention to itself.It conveys the speaker’s ideas clearly, interestingly, and [without distracting the audience].


There are four basic methods of delivering a speech: reading verbatim from a manuscript, reciting a memorized text, speaking with PowerPoint, and speaking extemporaneously, or impromptu. The last of these—speaking extemporaneously—is the method (you probably will use for classroom speeches and for most speeches outside the classroom). When speaking extemporaneously, you will have only a brief set of notes or a speaking outline. Speaking with PowerPoint is widely used now and very effective indeed.


Certainly there are other factors you should consider, such as personal appearance, bodily action, gestures, eye contact, volume, pauses and so on. By paying enough attention to what is mentioned above, you may present an effective speech.


Unit 2 Energy in Transition


The era of cheap and convenient sources of energy is coming to an end. A transition to more expensive but less polluting sources must now be managed.


John P. Holdren

Understanding this transition requires a look at the two-sided connection between energy and human well-being. Energy contributes positively to well-being by providing such consumer services as heating and lighting as well as serving as a necessary input to economic production. But the costs of energy -including not only the money and other resources devoted to obtaining and exploiting it but also environmental and sociopolitical impacts -detract from well-being.



For most of human history, the dominant concerns about energy have centered on the benefit side of the energy -well-being equation. Inadequacy of energy resources or (more often) of the technologies and organizations for harvesting, converting, and distributing those resources has meant insufficient energy benefits and hence inconvenience, deprivation and constraints on growth. The 1970’s, then, represented a turning point. After decades of constancy or decline in monetary costs -and of relegation of environmental and sociopolitical costs to secondary status -energy was seen to be getting costlier in all respects. It began to be plausible that excessive energy costs could pose threats on a par with those of insufficient supply. It also became possible to think that expanding some forms of energy supply could create costs exceeding the benefits.


The crucial question at the beginning of the 1990’s is whether the trend that began in the 1970’s will prove to be temporary or permanent. Is the era of cheap energy really over, or will a combination of new resources, new technology and changing geopolitics bring it back? One key determinant of the answer is the staggering scale of

energy demand brought forth by 100 years of unprecedented population growth, coupled with an equally remarkable growth in per capita demand of industrial energy forms. It entailed the use of dirty coal as well as clean; undersea oil as well as terrestrial; deep gas as well as shallow; mediocre hydroelectric sites as well as good ones; and deforestation as well as sustainable fuelwood harvesting.


Except for the huge pool of oil underlying the Middle East, the cheapest oil and gas are already gone. Even if a few more giant oil fields are discovered, they will make little difference against consumption on today’s scale. Oil and gas will have to come increasingly, for most countries, from deeper in the earth and from imports whose reliability and affordability cannot be guaranteed.?



There are a variety of other energy resources that are more abundant than oil and gas. Coal, solar energy, and fission and fusion fuels are the most important ones. But they all require elaborate and expensive transformation into electricity or liquid fuels in order to meet society’s needs. None has very good prospects for delivering large quantities of electricity at costs comparable to those of the cheap coal-fired and hydropower plants of the 1960’s. It appears, then, that expensive energy is a permanent condition, even without allowing for its environmental costs.?



The capacity of the environment to absorb the effluents and other impacts of energy technologies is itself a finite resource. The finitude is manifested in two basic types of environmental costs. External costs are those imposed by environmental disruptions on society but not reflected in the monetary accounts of the buyers and sellers of the energy. “Internalized costs” are increases in monetary costs imposed by measures, such as pollution-control devices, aimed at reducing the external costs.



?Both types of environmental costs have been rising for several reasons. First, the declining quality of fuel deposits and energy-conversion sites to which society must now turn means more material must be moved or processed, bigger facilities must be constructed and longer distances must be traversed. Second, the growing magnitude of effluents from energy systems has led to saturation of the environment’s capacity to absorb such effluents without disruption. Third, the monetary costs of controlling pollution tend to increase with the percentage of pollutants removed.



Despite these expenditures, the remaining uninternalized environmental costs have been substantial and in many cases are growing. Those of greatest concern are the risk of death or disease as a result of emissions or accidents at energy facilities and the impact of energy supplied on the global ecosystem and on international relations.



The impacts of energy technologies on public health and safety are difficult to pin down with much confidence. In the case of air pollution from fossil fuels, in which the dominant threat to public health is thought to be particulates formed from sulfur dioxide emissions, a consensus on the number of deaths caused by exposure has proved impossible. Widely differing estimates

result from different assumptions about fuel compositions, air pollution control technology, power-plant sitting in relation to population distribution, meteorological conditions affecting sulfate formation, and, above all, the relation between sulfate concentrations and disease.


Large uncertainties also apply to the health and safety impacts of nuclear fission. In this case, differing estimates result in part from differences among sites and reactor types, in part from uncertainties about emissions from fuel-cycle steps that are not yet fully operational (especially fuel reprocessing and management of uranium-mill tailings) and in part from different assumptions about the effects of exposure to low-dose radiation. The biggest uncertainties, however, relate to the probabilities and consequences of large accidents at reactors, at reprocessing plants and in the transport of wastes.


Altogether, the ranges of estimated hazards to public health from both coal-fired and

nuclear-power plants are so wide as to extend from negligible to substantial in comparison with other risks to the population. There is little basis, in these ranges, for preferring one of these energy sources over the other. For both, the very size of the uncertainty is itself a significant liability.


Often neglected, but no less important, is the public health menace from traditional fuels widely used for cooking and water heating in the developing world. Perhaps 80 percent of global exposure to particulate air pollution occurs indoors in developing countries, where the smoke from primitive stoves is heavily laden with dangerous hydrocarbons. A disproportionate share of this burden is borne, moreover, by women (who do the cooking) and small children (who indoors with their mothers).


The ecological threats posed by energy supply are even harder to quantify than the threats to human health and safety from effluents and accidents. Nevertheless, enough is known to suggest they portend even larger damage to human well-being. This damage potential arises from the combination of two circumstances.



First, civilization depends heavily on services provided by ecological and geophysical processes such as building and fertilizing soil, regulating water supply, controlling pests and pathogens, and maintaining a tol erable climate; yet it lacks the knowledge and the resources to replace nature’s services with technology. Second, human activities are now clearly capable of disrupting globally the processes that provide these services. Energy supply, both industrial and traditional, is responsible for a striking share of the environmental impacts of human activity. The environmental transition of the past 100 years -driven above all by a 20-fold increase in fossil-fuel use and augmented by a tripling in the use of traditional energy forms -has amounted to no less than the emergence of civilization as a global ecological and geochemical force.



Of all environmental problems, the most threatening, and in many respects the most intractable, is global climate change. And the greenhouse gases most responsible for the danger of rapid climate change come largely from human endeavors too massive, widespread and central to the functioning of our societies to be easily altered: carbon dioxide (CO2) from deforestation and the combustion of fossil fuels; methane from rice paddies, cattle gusts and the exploitation of oil and natural gas; and nitrous oxides from fuel combustions and fertilizer use.



The only other external cost that might match the devastating impact of global climate change is the risk of causing or aggravating large-scale military conflict. One such threat is the potential for conflict over access to petroleum resources. Another threat is the link between nuclear energy and the spread of nuclear weapons. The issue is hardly less complex and controversial than the link between CO2 and climate; many analysts, including me, think it is threatening indeed.



Do Traffic Tickets Save Lives?


Pity the poor traffic cop. He's the last guy you want to see in your rear-view mirror when you're speeding down the highway. Why isn't he out looking for murderers instead of nailing drivers for minor infractions of the law?

哎,这可怜的交警。他是你在高速公路上疾驰时最不愿意在后视镜里看见的人。他为什么不去抓那些杀人犯,却在这儿为了一点儿芝麻大的交通违规对司机们穷追不舍??? Well, according to a major research project by scientists in Canada and California, that cop just might be saving your life. Or the life of someone else.


The researchers have found that a traffic ticket reduces a driver's chance of being involved in a fatal accident by a whopping 35 percent, at least for a few weeks. The effect doesn't last long, however. Within three to four months, the lead foot is back on the pedal and the risk of killing yourself or someone else is back up to where it was before that cop stared you in the eye and wrote out that expensive citation.


The bottom line, according to the research, published in the June 28 issue of The Lancet, is that traffic tickets save lives. Maybe thousands of lives, every year. Yet traffic laws are enforced sporadically, almost as if by whim, partly because people just don't like traffic cops, and there are lots of other things for the government to spend money on than enforcing highway safety laws. 根据6月28日发表在《柳叶刀》上的研究,最根本的一点就是交通罚单能救命,它很可能每年能救成千上万条命。然而交通法规只是零星地被实施,就像心血来潮似的,部分原因是人们不喜欢罚单,而且除了实施髙速公路安全法,政府部门还有很多其他地方要花钱。

The Grim Statistics


That attitude needs to be changed, according to Donald A. Redelmeier of the University of Toronto and Robert J. Tibshirani of Stanford University. Both men are medical researchers, and this isn't the first time they've taken a hard look at highway safety. Their 1998 study caused a stir when they linked cell phone usage to traffic accidents. Now they're back, saying traffic tickets are good for our health.


They were prodded into this project by some very grim statistics. Each year, more than a million persons die in traffic accidents worldwide. If that many people died of SARS in a year, the public response would probably border on hysteria, but we have come to accept traffic fatalities as a way of life.


In addition, another 25 million people around the world are permanently disabled by traffic

accidents, and many of them —as well as the fatalities —are children.

另外,还有2?500万人因交通事故永远残废了,而且他们当中(包括死去的)很多是孩子。Taking It Easy After a Ticket?


When Redelmeier and Tibshirani and fellow researcher Leonard Evans set out to see if traffic tickets really do any good, they found an enormous resource in the Canadian province of Ontario. The full driving record of every licensed driver there was made available to them, warts and all, giving the researchers a huge data base of more than 10 million licensed drivers, 8,975 of whom were involved in a fatal accident during the 11-year period covered by the research, from 1988 through 1998.

当热德尔美尔、提波施拉尼和他们的共同研究人员伦纳德??伊凡斯研究交通罚单是否真能起到好作用时,他们在加拿大的安大略省发现了数量巨大的司机资料。他们在那儿能看到每个有驾照的人的全部记录,这样他们就有了一个良莠俱存的超过一千万个持照司机的巨大数据库。其中8?975个司机在此项研究覆盖的1988-1998共11年中曾出过重大交通事故"We looked at the month prior to a fatal accident, and the number of traffic convictions, and then the same month in the year before," says Tibshirani, a statistician. "What we found was that there were fewer tickets in the month before a fatal accident than there were a year before, and that suggests there's a protective effect of having a ticket."


In other words, when the number of citations went down, the number of fatal accidents went up the following month, and when the number of tickets went up, the number of fatal accidents dropped the following month. The analysis shows that fatal accidents declined by 35 percent because of citations.

换言之,当罚单数下降时,重大事故率在接下来这个月就会上升;而当罚单数上升时,重大事故率在接下来这个月就会下降。分析表明罚单能使重大事故率下降35%。Apparently, people just drove more cautiously following a traffic citation, but that only lasted a maximum of four months, the researchers say. After that brief respite, it was back to business as usual for most motorists.


Citations’Effects Consistent


The scientists also turned up some surprising results.


"Most of the crashes did not involve alcohol and were not at an intersection," they report in their research paper. Most occurred during the summer months when the streets were dry (65 percent) rather than wet (18 percent) or covered with snow (17 percent).

“多数撞车不是因为酒后驾车,也不是发生在十字路口,”他们在研究报告中这样报道。多数事故发生在夏季,当时的道路干燥(65%)而不湿滑(18%),也没有雪覆盖(17%)。They also found that the "relative risk reduction associated with traffic convictions was remarkably consistent among subgroups of licensed drivers," so the same results apply to women as well as men, regardless of age, prior driving record, and other personal data.


同样的结论适用于妇女和男人,而与年龄因素、以前的驾驶记录和其他个人资料无关。? Men, however, were involved in far more fatal accidents than women (73 percent to 27 percent) and the most accident-prone age was between 30 and 50. Alcohol was detected in only 7 percent of the accidents.


The researchers also addressed the commonly held belief that traffic citations cause more accidents than they prevent because so many people are killed during police chases. They found that only 24 deaths could be linked to writing citations during the 11-year period. That included 17 suspects, five bystanders and two police officers.

"The typical suspect who died was a 26-year-old man pursued by police after fleeing a spot check for alcohol or a speeding violation," they report. The two police officers were killed in separate events when they were hit by a car while writing a ticket for another motorist.


Who Really Pays?


The researchers admit there are a few gaps in their findings. The statistics do not include Ontario drivers who may have been involved in a fatal accident somewhere outside that province. Nor can they say that every traffic ticket leads to a reduction in accidents. But the statistics suggest a correlation between the number of citations and the number of fatalities.


They also point out that the innocent are often made to pay the price for careless drivers.


"Unlike other common diseases, the victims are often young and need significant subsequent care for decades. Most crashes are unintended, unexpected, and could have been prevented by a small difference in driver behavior."


So the next time you see that cop in your rear-view mirror, give him, or her, a broad smile.


Yeah, right.

His Politeness Is Her Powerlessness

Deborah Tannen There are many different kinds of evidence that women and men are judged differently even if they talk the same way. This tendency makes mischief in discussions of women, men and power. If a linguistic strategy is used by a woman, it is seen as powerless; if it is used by a man, it is seen as powerful. Often, the labeling of “women’s language”as “powerless language”reflects the view of women’s behavior through the lens of men’s.


Because they are not struggling to be one-up, women often find themselves framed as

one-down. Any situation is ripe for misinterpretation. This ambiguity accounts for much misinterpretation by experts as well as nonexperts, by which women’s ways of thinking, uttered in a spirit of rapport, are branded powerless. Nowhere is this inherent ambiguity clearer than in a brief comment in a newspaper article in which a couple, both psychologists, were jointly interviewed. The journalist asked them the meaning of “being very polite.”The two experts responded simultaneously, giving different answers. The man said, “Subservience.”The woman said, “Sensitivity.”Both experts were right, but each was describing the view of a different gender.


Experts and nonexperts alike tend to see anything women do as evidence of powerlessness. The same newspaper article quotes another psychologist as saying, “A man might ask a woman, ‘Will you please go to the store?’where a woman might say, ‘Gee, I really need a few things from the store, but I’m so tired.’”The woman’s style is called “covert,”a term suggesting negative qualities like being “sneaky”and “underhanded.”The reason offered for this is power. The woman doesn’t feel she has the right to ask directly.


Granted, women have lower status than men in our American society. But this is not necessarily why they prefer not to make outright demands. The explanation for a woman’s indirectness could just as well be her seeking connection. If you get your way as a result of having demanded it, the payoff is satisfying in terms of status: You’re one-up because others are doing as you told them. But if you get your way because others happened to want the same thing, or because they offered freely, the payoff is rapport. You’re neither one-up nor one-down by being happily connected to others whose wants are the same as yours. Furthermore, if indirectness is understood by both parties, then there is nothing covert about it: That a request is being made is clear. Calling an indirect communication covert reflects the view of someone for

whom the direct style seems “natural”and “logical”-a view more common among men.


Indirectness itself does not reflect powerlessness. It’s easy to think of situations where indirectness is the prerogative of others in power. For example, a wealthy couple who knows that their servants will do their bidding need not give direct orders, but simply state wishes: The woman of the house says, “It’s chilly in here,”and the servant sets about raising the temperature. The man of the house says, “It’s dinner time,”and the servant sees about having dinner served. Perhaps the ultimate indirectness is getting someone to do something without saying anything at all: The hostess rings a bell and a maid brings the next course;or a parent enters the room where children are misbehaving and stands with hands on hips, and the children immediately stop what they’re doing.


Entire cultures operate on elaborate systems of indirectness. For example, I discovered in a small research project that most Greeks assumed a wife who asked, “Would you like to go to the party?”was hinting that she wanted to go. They felt that she wouldn’t bring it up if she didn’t want to go. Furthermore, they felt, she would not state here preference outright because that would sound like a demand. Indirectness was the appropriate means for communicating her preference.


Japanese culture has developed indirectness to a fine art. For example, a Japanese anthropologist, Harumi Befu, explains the delicate exchange of tended the invitation, Befu first had to determine whether it was meant literally or just pro forma, much as an American might say, “We’ll have to have you over for dinner some time”but would not expect you to turn up at the door. Having decided the invitation was meant literally and having accepted, Befu was then asked what he would like to eat. Following custom, he said anything would do, but his friend, also following custom, pressed him to specify. Host and guest repeated this exchange an appropriate number of times, until Befu deemed it polite to answer the question -politely -by saying tea over rice -as the last course of a sumptuous meal. Befu was not surprised by the feast because he knew that protocol required it. Had he been given what he asked for, he would have been insulted. But protocol also required that he make a great show of being surprised.


This account of mutual indirectness in a lunch invitation may strike Americans as excessive. But far more cultures in the world use elaborate systems of indirectness than value directness. Only modern Western societies place a priority on direct communication, and even for us it is more a value than a practice.


Evidence from other cultures also makes it clear that indirectness does not itself reflect low status. Rather, our assumptions about the status of women compel us to interpret anything they do as reflecting low status. Anthropologist Elinor Keenan, for example, found that in a

Malagasy-speaking village on the island of Madagascar, it is women who are direct and men who are indirect. And the villagers see the men’s indirect way of speaking, using metaphors and proverbs, as the better way. For them, indirectness, like the men who use it, has high status. They regard women’s direct style as clumsy and crude, debasing the beautiful subtlety of men’s language. Whether women or men are direct or indirect differs; what remains constant is that women’s style is negatively valuated -seen as lower in status than the men’s.


The Long War Against Corruption


Ben W. Heineman, Jr., and Fritz Heimann

小本·W·海涅曼和弗里茨·海曼A WAY TO GO


Since the mid-1990s, the issue of corruption has gained a prominent place on the global agenda. International organizations, including the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the UN, have adopted conventions requiring that their members enact laws prohibiting bribery and extortion. International financial agencies, notably the World Bank, have announced programs aimed at ensuring fair and open contracting for their projects and stopping misappropriation by government officials. Most nations have enacted some type of anticorruption law. International business groups have promulgated model codes of behavior, and multinational corporations (MNCs) now claim to be implementing antibribery programs. The leading nongovernmental organization (NGO) in this area, Transparency International (TI), has conducted analysis and advocacy through chapters in over 90 nations. The international media report instances of corruption in high places virtually every day (often at great risk).


Underlying these changes in rules, rhetoric, and awareness is the growing recognition that bribery and extortion have demonstrably deleterious consequences.

Gone is the day when some pundits seriously argued that corruption was an efficient corrective for overregulated economies or that it should be tolerated as an inevitable byproduct of intractable forces. The true impact of corruption is now widely acknowledged: corruption distorts markets and competition, breeds cynicism among citizens, undermines the rule of law, damages government legitimacy, and corrodes the integrity of the private sector. It is also a major barrier to international development -systemic misappropriation by kleptocratic governments harms the poor.


Although it is difficult to quantify global corruption, there is little question that huge problems exist. For example, the World Bank estimated in 2004 that public officials worldwide receive more than $1 trillion in bribes each year (and that figure does not include embezzlement).

A 2005 survey by the Russian think tank Indem found that more than $300 billion in bribes is paid in Russia annually (a ten-fold increase since the last survey, in 2001) and that more than half

of all Russians have at some point been asked for a payoff.

虽然很难量化全球腐败的程度,但存在巨大弊端却是毋庸置疑的。例如,2004年世界银行估计全世界的政府公务员每年收受贿金在一万亿美元以上(而且这个数字还不包括贪污)。俄国智囊团Indem 在2005年所做的一次调查发现:每年在俄国支付的贿金超过3 000亿美元(比上次2001年调查到的数字增加了10倍),而且有不止一半的俄国人曾经被索要过贿赂。

According to the 2005 Volcker report (a report on the UN’s former oil-for-food program by an independent committee headed by the economist Paul Volcker), more than 2,000 companies participating in the oil-for-food program -almost half of the total -may have been involved in kickback schemes. And the drumbeat of scandals continues, with events in China, Indonesia, Kenya, Russia, and the United States leading the news during the past year.

根据2005年度的沃尔克报告(由经济学家保罗·沃尔克担纲的一个独立委员会对联合国之前实行的石油换食品计划所做的调查报告),参与石油换食品计划的2 000多家公司几乎有一半可能有吃回扣的行为。频频不断的丑闻此起彼伏,一直没有消停。过去一年,中国、印尼、肯尼亚、俄国和美国的爆料占据着新闻的榜首。

Given vast, continuing problems, the anticorruption movement will maintain its credibility and momentum only if it can translate its rhetoric into action and prevent and punish misbehavior in a more focused and systematic manner. In the near term, the implementation of anticorruption measures must come in important part from international organizations, developed nations, and MNCs. Developing nations also have a critical role to play. But their legal, political, and economic systems vary greatly -they are failed or failing, fragile or rising -and so

anti-corruption initiatives in the developing world will have to be a part of, and dependent on, each country’s broad, complex, and ofte n lengthy state-building process.




Corruption takes many forms. It has a supply side (private bribers) and a demand side (public officials). There is grand corruption, involving high-level officials with discretionary authority over government policy, and petty corruption, involving lower-level officials who control access to basic services such as education and electricity. There is the dynamic between the developed nations that are a main source of the funds and the developing nations that host the majority of the officials who extort and misappropriate.


Tackling this multifaceted problem, and understanding how near-term priorities fit into

long-term approaches, requires pursuing four types of measures.

First is enforcement, which seeks to deter future misconduct by investigating and prosecuting existing corruption. Second is prevention: the enactment and implementation of legislation and

administrative regulations that choke off corrupt practices (such measures should include ombudsman systems, whistleblower protection laws, transparent rules of procurement and accounting, reedom-of-information laws, auditing and internal-control requirements for public and private entities, and anti-money-laundering regimes). Third is the much more complex process of state building, which consists of institutional reforms designed to create a society of laws, not men, and to build a transparent, accountable, and durable legal, economic, and political foundation. Finally, there is the cultural dimension of anticorruption, which involves transmitting positive values and norms that can strengthen the enforcement, prevention, and state-building measures.




The most important question facing the anticorruption movement today is how to create a politics that can make the policies of enforcement and prevention effective and change the mindset of international institutions, developed nations, and MNCs. To make financial discipline operational, international financial institutions must change the perspective of those staff members who, eager to push money out the door, oppose conditioning loans or grants on securing commitments from beneficiaries to fight corruption. Developed nations must show the political will to investigate and prosecute their national corporations when they engage in bribery abroad, even in the face of intense global competition. Finally, MNCs must overcome short-term economic pressures and old ways of doing business so as to create and sustain an anticorruption culture and effective corporate compliance procedures.

如今反腐运动面临的最重要的问题就是达成一种政治见解,一个可以使实施及预防的政策变得有效、并且能够改变国际机构、发达国家和跨国公司思想倾向的政治见解。为了使金融纪律得到有效实施,国际金融机构必须改变那些业内人士的观念,这些人一心只想放贷出门,因而反对以承诺打击腐败为前提向贷款受益人提供贷款和补助。当本国公司在海外进行贿赂活动时,即使面临激烈的全球竞争,发达国家也必须表明其具有调查和起诉这家本国公司的政治意愿。最后,跨国公司必须克服短期经济压力,改变老一套经营方式,以便创建和保持一种反腐的理念以及一套有效步骤,使公司上下都自觉遵守这一理念。After Reading

Ultimately, the most potent force for change is the idea that corruption is morally repugnant and inimical to competition, globalization, the rule of law, international development, and the welfare of citizens around the world. During the past decade, many public- and private-sector actors have paid lip service to the idea that fighting corruption is in both their own interest and the interest of the global good. Now they must act.



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