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体验英语综合教程4课文及翻译

体验英语综合教程4课文及翻译
体验英语综合教程4课文及翻译

Unit 1

On our first "date" after our twin daughters were born, my husband and I went to see the movie Toy Story. We enjoyed it, but afterward my husband asked, "Where was the dad?" At first, it seemed petty to criticize an entertaining family movie because of one small point. The more I thought about it, however, the more glaring an omission it seemed. Not only was dad not around, he wasn't even mentioned — despite the fact that there was a baby in the family, so dad couldn't have been that long gone. It was as if the presence— or absence — of a father is a minor detail, not even requiring an explanation.

This is only one example of the media trend toward marginalizing fathers, which mirrors enormous social changes in the United States. David Blankenhorn, in his book Fatherless America, refers to this trend as the "unnecessary father" concept.

We are bombarded by stories about the struggles of working mothers (as opposed to non-working mothers, I suppose). Meanwhile, a high proportion of media stories about fathers focus on abusive husbands or deadbeat dads. It seems that the only time fathers merit attention is when they are criticized for not helping enough with the housework (a claim that I find dubious anyway, because the definition of "housework" rarely includes cleaning the gutters, changing the oil in the car or other jobs typically done by men) or when they die. When Mr. Blankenhorn surveyed fathers about the meaning of the term "good family man," many responded that it was a phrase they only heard at funerals. One exception to the "unnecessary father" syndrome is the glowing media attention that at-home dads have received. I do not mean to imply that at-home dads do not deserve support for making this commitment. I only mean to point

out the double standard at work when at-home dads are applauded while

at-home mothers and breadwinner fathers are given little, if any, cultural recognition.

The very language we use to discuss men's roles (i.e., deadbeat dads) shows a lack of appreciation for the majority of men who quietly yet proudly fulfill their family responsibilities. We almost never hear the term "working father," and it is rare that calls for more workplace flexibility are considered to be for men as much as for women. Our society acts as if family obligations are not as important to fathers as they are to mothers — as if career satisfaction is what a man's life is all about.

Even more insulting is the recent media trend of regarding at-home wives as "status symbols" — like an expensive car — flaunted by the supposedly few men who can afford such a luxury. The implication is that men with at-home wives have it easier than those whose wives work outside the home because they have the "luxury" of a full-time housekeeper. In reality, however, the men who are the sole wage earners for their families suffer a lot of stresses. The loss of a job — or even the threat of that happening — is obviously much more difficult when that job is the sole source of income for a family. By the same token, sole wage earners have less flexibility when it comes to leaving unsatisfying careers because of the loss of income such a job change entails. In addition, many husbands work overtime or second jobs to make more needed money for their families. For these men, it is the family that the job supports that makes it all worthwhile. It is the belief that having a mother at home is important to the children, which makes so many men gladly take on the burden of being a sole wage earner.

Today, there is widespread agreement among researchers that the absence of fathers from households causes serious problems for children and, consequently, for society at large. Yet, rather than holding up "ordinary" fathers as positive role models for the dads of tomorrow, too often society has thrown up its hands and decided that traditional fatherhood is at best obsolete and at worst dangerously reactionary. This has left many men questioning the value of their role as fathers.

As a society, we need to realize that fathers are just as important to children as mothers are — not only for financial support, but for emotional support, education and discipline as well. It is not enough for us merely to recognize that fatherlessness is a problem — to stand beside the grave and mourn the loss of the "good family man" and then try to find someone to replace him (ask anyone who has lost a father though death if that is possible). We must acknowledge how we have devalued fatherhood and work to show men how necessary, how important they are in their children's lives.

Those fathers who strive to be good family men by being there every day to love and support their families — those unsung heroes — need our recognition and our thanks for all they do. Because they deserve it.

无名英雄:职业父亲意味着什么?

在我们的孪生女儿出生后的第一次“约会”时,我和丈夫一起去看了一部名为《玩具故事》的电影。我们很喜欢这部片子,但随后我丈夫问道:“父亲在哪儿呢?”起初我还认为因为一个小小的失误而批评一部很吸引人的家庭影片似乎是太偏狭了。可后来越想越觉得这一疏忽太严重了。父亲不仅没有出现,他甚至没有被提到——尽管家中有婴儿,说明他不可能离开太长时间。影片给人的感觉是,父亲出现与否似乎是个极次要的细节,甚至不需要做任何解释。

新闻媒体倾向于把父亲的边缘化,这只是一个例子,它反映了在美国发生的巨大的社会变化。大卫?布兰肯霍恩在《无父之国》一书中将这种倾向称之为“无需父亲”观念。

职业母亲(我想这应是与无职业母亲相对而言的)奋斗的故事从媒体上无尽无休地轰击着我们。与此同时,媒体上绝大多数有关父亲的故事又集中表现暴力的丈夫或没出息的父亲。

看起来似乎父亲惟一值得人们提及的时候是因为他们做家务太少而受到指责的时候(我怀疑这一说法的可靠性,因为“家务”的定义中很少包括打扫屋顶的雨水沟、给汽车换机油或其它一些典型地由男人们做的事),或者是在他们去世的时候。当布兰肯霍恩先生就“顾家的好男人”一词的词义对父亲们进行调查时,许多父亲都回答这一词语只有在葬礼上听到。这种“无需父亲”综合症的一个例外是家庭全职父亲所受到的媒体的赞扬。我并非暗指这些家庭全职父亲作出的承诺不值得人们的支持,我只是想指出在实际生效的双重标准:家庭全职父亲受到人们的赞扬,而家庭全职母亲和养家活口的父亲,所得到文化上的认同却很少,甚至完全得不到。

我们用来讨论父亲角色(即没出息的父亲)的话语本身就显示出人们对大多数男人默默无闻而自豪地履行对家庭承担的责任缺乏赏识。我们几乎从来没听到“职业父亲”这一说法,在人们呼吁应该考虑给予工作者在工作地点上更大的灵活性时,很少有人认为这种呼吁不但适用于女子,同样也适应于男子。我们这个社会表现出似乎家庭职责对父亲来说并不象对母亲那么重要——似乎事业上的满足就是男人生活的全部。

更让人感到侮辱的是最近媒体的这种倾向,即把家庭主妇看成是一种“地位的象征”——就像一辆名贵的汽车,只有据说少数男人才享受得起这种奢侈与豪华。这暗示家里有家庭主妇的男人比那些妻子在外工作的男人日子过得更舒适,因为他们拥有全职管家这种“奢侈品”。然而,实际上作为家庭惟一挣钱者的男人要承受很多压力。当他们的那份工作是家庭收入的惟一来源的时候,失业,或者甚至只不过是受到失业的威胁,对他们来说显然构成更大的困难。同样,家庭惟一的工资收入者在想辞去不太满意的工作时,其灵活程度也要小一些,因为这种工作变换会使他们失去收入。此外,为了给家庭挣更多的钱,许多丈夫超时工作或兼做第二职业。对于这些男人来说,正是这份工作所支撑的家庭,使得他们值得付出努力。很多男人相信母亲呆在家里对小孩十分重要,这种信念使得他们乐意地担起家里惟一挣钱人的担子。

目前,研究者们普遍认为家庭中没有父亲会对小孩——因此对整个社会——带来严重的问题。然而,我们这个社会并没有把“普通”父亲作为正面角色为未来的父亲树立榜样,相反地,却常常持放弃态度,认为传统的父道从最好的方面说是已经过时,从最坏的方面讲就是危险的反动。这使得许多男人对他们作为父亲的角色的价值提出疑问。

作为一个社会,我们需要认识到对于孩子来说,父亲是与母亲同等重要的,不仅仅在经济支持上,而且在感情依靠、教育和纪律训导方面都是如此。我们仅仅意识到没有父亲是一个问题是不够的,也不能只是站在坟墓旁边哀悼“顾家好男人”的去世,随后又找一个人来替代他(请问一问已失去父亲的人,这是否可能)。我们必须承认我们是如何贬低了父道的价值,我们必须努力向男人们显示,他们在孩子们的生活中是多么不可缺少,多么重要。

那些每天都在努力去爱和支撑他们的家庭,力求做一个顾家好男人的父亲,那些无名英雄,需要我们的承认,他们所付出的一切需要我们的感谢,因为他们值得我们的认同和感激

Unit 2

The news media, along with social and behavioral scientists, have recently sent out a multitude of warnings about the many dangers that await us out there in cyberspace. The truth of the matter is that the Web is no more inherently dangerous than anything else in the world. It is not some amorphous entity capable of inflicting harmful outcomes on all who enter. In fact, in and of itself, the Web is fairly harmless. It has no special power to overtake its users and alter their very existence. Like the old tale that the vampire cannot harm you unless

you invite it to cross your threshold, the Internet cannot corrupt without being invited. And, with the exception of children and the weak-willed, it cannot create what does not already exist...

(1) Like alcohol, the Web simply magnifies what is already there: Experts are concerned that the masking that goes on online poses a danger for everyone who is a part of the Digital Culture. Before we know it, the experts tell us, we will all use fake identities, become fragmented, and will no longer be sure of just who we are. Wrong. The only people who feel compelled to mask, and otherwise misrepresent themselves online are the same people who are mysterious and unfrank in ―real life‖...the Net just gives them one more tool to practice their deceit.

As for the rest of us, getting taken in by these people is a low probability. We know who these folks are in the ―real world‖. The Internet does not ―cause‖ people to disguise as something they are not. As for the Digital Culture getting cheated by these dishonest folks, well, there are just as many ―cues‖ online to decipher deception as there are in the ―real world‖. The competent WebHead can recognize many red flags given off by the online behavior of others. Oftentimes the intentions of fellow users is crystal clear, especially over time.

When someone is trying to deceive us online, inconsistencies, the essence that they are trying ―too hard‖ or are just plain unbelievable, often come through loud and clear. Likewise, just like in the ―real world‖, a host of other unacceptable tendencies can be readily recognized online. Narcissism (it’s all about ―meeeee‖), those people who have nothing but negativity or unpleasant things to say about others, and those who feel compelled to undermine others and who think they must blow out the other guys’ candles in order for their own to shine can be spotted a cybermile away.

(2) The Web can bring out the best in people: Gregarious, frank folks in ―real life‖ usually carry these same traits over to their online life. Most are just as fun-loving online if not more so, as they are at a party, at work, or at the local bar. Though admittedly, some are not quite as much fun to be around without a stiff drink.

Shy folks have a ―safer‖ environment online than in the ―real world‖ and can learn to ex press themselves more freely on the Net (you’ve never seen anyone stutter on e-mail, have you?) allowing them to gain confidence and communication skills that can eventually spill over into other aspects of their lives. Helpful people in ―real life‖ are often just as willing to come to someone’s assistance online as anywhere else.

(3) People are judged differently on the Web: On the Internet people are judged by their personality, beliefs and online actions, NOT by their physical appearance. This is good. It not only gives ugly folks an aid, but causes Beautiful People to have to say something worth listening to in order to get attention.

(4) People open up more: Many people are opening up a whole lot more these days since they are not required to use their real name and provide their real identity in the Internet.

(5) We’re connected: Members of the Digital Culture know full well that there is

a wealth of important information and life-changing opportunities out there in cyberspace. The We

b has opened doors for many of us that otherwise would never have been an option. Research possibilities and networking are just two such opportunities.

(6) We Learn the Power of Words and to be Better Listeners: With no facial expressions, body language, or physical appearance to distract us, members of the Digital Culture have learned the power of words ... both their own, and others’. We know very well how a simple string of words can harm, hurt and offend, or how they can offer humor, help, support and encouragement. Most experienced members of the online culture have learned to become wordsmiths, carefully crafting the words they use to convey exactly what they mean so as not to be misunderstood.

Many of us have also learned to become far better listeners thanks to the Internet. Not only do we choose our words more carefully but we (especially those who communicate via email as opposed to chat rooms) are forced to wait until the other person finishes before we can speak or respond.

为什么数字文化对你有好处?

最近,新闻媒体以及社会学家和行为学家们都发出大量警告指出:网络空间危险重重。其实,万维网与世界上其它任何事物一样并非天然地有害。它并非某种看不见摸不着的实体,能使危险降临进入它的每一个人。实际上,网络就其本身而言是相当无害的,它没有超越其使用者并改变他们的存在的特殊功能。正如古老的传说指出的一样,吸血鬼不请不会自入家门来伤害你,互联网也不会不请自来地使你堕落。除孩子和意志薄弱者外,它不可能造成本来就不存在的东西…

(1)如同酒精的作用一样,网络仅仅是将已有的事物放大:

专家们担心,网上盛行的隐藏装假对参与数字文化的人来说是危险的。他们告诉我们,我们不知不觉地全都会使用假身份,一个个变得残缺不全面目全非,以至于连自己都不敢肯定自己究竟是谁。全错。只有那些在“现实生活”中表现得诡秘莫测,毫不坦诚的人,才感到被迫要在网上伪装自己并用其它方法提供虚假情况。网络只不过为他们增添了一种实施欺骗的工具。

因为我们了解现实生活中的这些人,所以被这些人欺骗的可能性很小。因特网并不会“引起”人们去装扮成另一些人。至于数字文化中人被这些不诚实的家伙欺骗的问题,就如同“现实”生活中一样,网上同样有许多“信号”会揭露他们的骗术。有水平的网迷能识别在线人行为所发出的很多危险信号。尤其是经过一段时间之后,别的用户的意图常常是非常清楚的。有人试图在网上欺骗我们时,常常会明白无误地表现为自我矛盾,这是力求取信而过分涂抹,甚至说话虚假、令人难信的必然迹象。同样,与在“现实世界”中一样,许多其它令人讨厌的倾向在网上也都能很容易地识别出来。孤芳自赏(一切围绕“我我我”)在网络上也老远就会被发现,因为他们都是些只说别人反话或坏话的人,认为只有吹灭他人的蜡烛自己才能闪光的人。(2)网络能让人展现其最好的一面:

“现实生活”中爱好交往和直率的人在网上也会展现相同的个性。多数人网上和网下都一样爱找乐趣,即使不是有过之而无不及,也与他们平时在聚会上、在工作中和在当地的酒吧里一样喜欢寻找乐趣。然而无可否认,有些人没有烈性酒作伴,你和他们在一起就不会那么欢乐。

害羞的人在网上比在“现实世界”中会得到更为“安全的”环境,并且在网上能学会更自由地表达自己(你从未见到过有人会在电子邮件上结结巴巴地说话,对吗),网络会使他们增强信心,获得交际技能,而这些又最终会扩大到他们生活的其它方面。现实生活中喜欢帮助他人的人常常在网上也愿意尽力帮助他人。

(3)网上评价人的方式不同:

在互联网上,对人的评价是看他们的个性、信念和网上行为,而不是看他们的外表长相。这很好,因为它不仅会给其貌不扬的人机会,也会使长相漂亮的人必须要说话值得一听才会引起别人注意。

(4)人们更加坦率:

由于在互联网上不必使用真名并提供真实身份,许多人近日来更加坦诚,畅吐心曲。

(5)我们联到一起了:

参与数字文化的人都非常了解,网上有大量重要信息,并能提供许多改变他们生活的机遇。网络为我们中间的许多人打开了许多大门,这种选择是他们在其它面所不能得到的。从事研究的可能和上网与人联系就是两个这样的机会。

(6)我们懂得了语言的威力并学会了更善于倾听:没有面部表情、身体语言或外表长相的干扰,数字文化的成员已学会了词语的威力…,包括他们自己的和他人的词语。我们透彻地懂得将词语简单地组合起来就能损害、伤害和冒犯他人,也可以表现幽默和提供帮助、支持和鼓励。多数富有经验的网络成员已经修炼成为语言大师,他们慎重地措词,准确地表达自己的意思以避免被人误解。

由于互联网的缘故,我们中的许多人已经学会更好地倾听。我们不但要更慎重地斟词酌句,我们(尤其是那些通过电子邮件而不是聊天室交流的人)还必须等待,等待他人结束后我们才能说话或者回答。

Unit 3

1)“If it doesn’t have a copyright notice, it’s not copyrighted.” This was true in the past, but today almost all major nations follow the Berne copyright convention. For example, in the USA, almost everything created privately and originally after April 1, 1989 is copyrighted and protected whether it has a notice or not. The default you should assume for other people’s works is that they are copyrighted and may not be copied unless you know otherwise. There are some old works that lost protection without notice, but frankly you should not risk it unless you know for sure.

2) “If I don’t charge for it, it’s not a violation.” False. Whether you charge can affect the damages awarded in court, but that’s the main difference under the law. It’s still a violation if you give it away – and there can still be serious damages if you hurt the commercial value of the property. There is an exception for personal copying of music, which is not a violation, though courts seem to have said that doesn’t include wide-scale anonymous personal copying as Napster. If the work has no commercial value, the violation is mostly technical and is unlikely to result in legal action.

3) “If it’s posted to Usenet it’s in the public domain.” False. Nothing modern is in the public domain anymore unless the owner explicitly puts it in the public domain. Explicitly, as you have a note from the author/owner saying, ―I grant this to the public domain.‖

4) “My posting was just fair use!” The “fair use” exemption to (U.S.) copyright law was created to allow things such as commentary, parody, news reporting, research and education about copyrighted works without the permission of the author. That’s important so that copyright law doesn’t block your freedom to express your own works. Intent and damage to the commercial value of the

work are important considerations. Are you reproducing an article from the New York Times because you couldn’t find time to write your own story, or didn’t want your readers to have to pay for the New York Times web site? They aren’t ―fair use‖. Fair use is usually a short excerpt.

5) “If you don’t defend your copyright you lose it.” –“Somebody has that name copyrighted!” False. Copyright is effectively never lost these days, unless explicitly given away. You also can’t ―copyright a name‖ or anything short like that, such as almost all titles. You may be thinking of trademarks, which apply to names, and can be weakened or lost if not defended. Like an ―Apple‖ computer. Apple Computer ―owns‖ that word applied to computers, even though it is also an ordinary word. Apple Records owns it when applied to music. Neither owns the word on its own, only in context, and owning a mark doesn’t mean complete control.6)―If I make up my own stories, but base them on another work, my new work belongs to me.” False. U.S. Copyright law is quite explicit that the making of what are called ―derivative works‖ – works based on or derived from another copyrighted work – is the exclusive province of the owner of the original work. This is true even though the making of these new works is a highly creative process. If you write a story using settings or characters from somebody else’s work, you need that author’s permission. 7)“They can’t get me, defendants in court have powerful rights!” Copyright law is mostly civil law. If you violate copyright you would not be charged with a crime, but usually get sued.

8) “Oh, so copyright violation isn’t a crime or anything?” Actually, recently in the USA commercial copyright

violation involving more than 10 copies and value over $2500 was made a felony. So watch out. On the other hand, this is a fairly new, untested statute. In one case an operator of a pirate BBS that didn’t charge was acquitted because he didn’t charge, but congress amended the law to cover that.

9) “It doesn’t hurt anybody –in fact it’s free advertising.”It’s up to the owners to decide if they want the free ads or not. If they want them, they will be sure to contact you. Don’t rationalize whether it hurts the owners or not, ask them. Usually that’s not too hard to do. Even if you can’t think of how the author or owner gets hurt, think about the fact that piracy on the net hurts everybody who wants a chance to use this wonderful new technology to do more than read other people’s flamewars.

10) ―They e-mailed me a copy, so I can post it.” To have a copy is not to have the copyright. All the E-mail you write is copyrighted. However, E-mail is not unless previously agreed. So you can certainly report on what E-mail you are sent, and reveal what it says. You can even quote parts of it to demonstrate. Frankly, somebody who sues over an ordinary message would almost surely get no damages, because the message has no commercial value, but if you want to stay strictly in the law, you should ask first. On the other hand, don’t go nuts if somebody posts E-mail you sent them. If it was an ordinary non-secret personal letter of minimal commercial value with no copyright notice (like 99.9% of all E-mail), you probably won’t get any damages if you sue them

版权的十大神话

1)如果没有版权标识,就不会受到版权保护。这在过去是事实,但现在情况就有所不同了,几乎所有大国邮遵循伯尔尼版权协定,比如,在美国,自1989年4月1日后,几乎所有个人创作以及原创的作品,不管它是否有版权标识,都受到版权保护。大家默认的是他人的作品已受到版权保护,不能随意复制,除非你能确信它不受版权保护:有些年代久远的作品如果没有标识,就不受到版权保护,但坦白地说如果这一点不能肯定,你就不应冒这个风险。

2)如果我没有为此收费,就不算侵权。错。你是否收费可能对法庭上判罚金的额度有所影响,但那只是在这一法律条文下量刑的主要区别。即使你免费分发他人的作品,仍然是侵权。而且如果危及到他人财产的商业价值,仍然会被罚以大额赔偿金。个人的音乐拷贝是唯一的例外,不被列入侵权行为。不过法庭上似乎有这种说法,个人拷贝不包括像纳帕斯特那样的大规模匿名复制行为。如果该作品没有向业价值,侵权多是技术性的,不会受到起诉。

3)如果已被发送到世界性的新闻组网络系统(Usenet)的材料,那就不受版权限制。错。现代社会里任何东西都要受到版权限制,除非所有者明确表示它不受版权限制。要确定它是否受到版权限制,必须得要作者/所有者的书面证明:“我准予某某不受版权限制。”

4)我的帖子只是合理使用。“合理使用”可以免除版权限制,它的设立使人们可以使用某些作品,而不必经过作者的同意,这些作品包括解说词、模仿诗文、新闻报道以及那些对受版权保护的著作的研究和宣传的作品。这一规定非常重要,有了这一规定版权法就不会成为妨碍你自由地发表作品的绊脚石。但涉及到故意侵权和损害具有商业价值的作品时就要慎重考虑了。你做过这样的事吗?由于你自己没有时间写文章,或是为了让你的读者免受给《纽约时报》网站缴费之累,于是就从《纽约时报》上复制一篇。这种行为不是“合理使用”。合理使用通常只是一条简短的摘录。

5)如果你不保护好你的版权你就会失去它——有人就可以取得那个名字的版权。错。现在,版权是一直有效的,除非它明确被出让。你也不能取得某个名字或类似的缩略词的版权,几乎所有标题本身都不可以有版权。你或许会设想某些与名字有关的商标,如果不加以保护是否会削弱或者丧失。例如“苹果”电脑,虽然苹果只是一个普通的单词,但只有用于电脑时,苹果电脑才拥有它。而苹果唱片则只有用于音乐时才拥有它。没有特定的上下义,两者都不能单独拥有这个单词的版权保护,因此拥有一个标记并不意味着拥有完全的支配权。

6)如果基于另外一部作品,我自己编撰了一个故事,那么这部新作品就属于我所拥有。错。美国的版权法十分明确地指出那些所谓“派生作品”的编撰,即以另一部受版权保护的作品为素材或从中演纤出来的作品,是原著作者独有的,即使那些新作品的编撰经过高度创作加工,原著的所有权是不能改变的。因此如果你撰写的故事要用他人作品中的背景或人物。你就需要征得作者的同意。

7)他们不可能把我怎么样,在法庭上被告也有特权。版权法主要是民事法。如果你违反了版权法,你不会以—个罪犯的名义遭到起诉,但通常会受到民事诉讼。

8)因而版权侵犯不能算作犯罪?事实上,美国法律最新规定,复制超过10册,价值超过2 500美元的商业版权侵犯就会被定为重罪。因此,你得小心。不过,这是一条相当新的法规,还未在实际案例中得到应用。曾有这样一个案例:—个未收费的BBS盗版者被宣告无罪,就因为他没有收费。在此之后,国会修正了过去的法规以堵塞这个漏洞。

9)它不会伤害任何人,事实上这是免费广告。是否需要免费的广告,这应由所有者来决定。如果他们需要,他们肯定会与你联系。不要凭空设想免费广告是否会伤害业主,最好问问他们。通常这样做并非太难。即使你不能想像作者或作品的所有者会受到怎样的伤害,只要想想这个事实,就会一日了然:网上盗版作品无疑对每一个使用者都会造成伤害,人们使用网络这种奇妙的新技术,希望能干番事业,决非仅仅为了阅读他人在网上的论战。

10)他们通过电子邮件发给我—个副本,所以我可以将它张贴出去。有一个副本并不意味拥有版权。你自己写的所有的电子邮件都是有版权的。然而除非事先行约定,电子邮件不受版

权保护。所以收到别人给你发送的邮件你当然可以报道和公开它的内容。你甚至可以进行部分引有。坦率地说,由于普通信件没什么商业价值,那些对此提起诉讼的人通常是不会得到赔偿金的,但如果你想要在法律上站得住脚,最好事先征得邮件发送人的同意。当然,如果有人把你发的邮件张贴出来,也不必大发雷霆。如果是普通的、没有秘密可言的私人信件,是不会有什么商业价值和版权标识意义的(像99.9%的电子邮件那样),即使提起诉讼,也不会得到任何赔偿金的。

Unit 4

The language policy in the European Union is both ineffective and hypocritical, and its ideas of linguistic equality and multilingualism are costly and cumbersome illusions. Why have these illusions been kept up for so long? First, because the French with their traditionally superior position in Europe cannot accept the decline of their own linguistic power; second, because the politically-correct ideologies of some sociolinguists constantly fuel opposition against the idea of English as a European lingua franca; and third, because powerful translators' lobbies fight for their raison d'etre. In the name of the high ideal of linguistic equality a time-consuming, expensive and increasingly intractable translation machinery is maintained that is doing its best to translate the illusion of equality into illusions of multilingualism and translatability.

The translations produced in the world's largest translation bureau are taken as tokens for equality: what counts is that they exist, not what they are like —many EU officials doubt their accuracy and openly prefer to read the more reliable English and French originals. Also, the supposed linguistic equality in the EU is a relative one: some languages are more ―equal‖ than others, and minority languages inside the member states do not count at all.

The EU's ostensible multilingualism sets it apart from other international organisations. Instead of having opted for a "workable" number of working languages, all the official languages of the member states were given equal

status. For a smooth functioning of the EU institutions, however, whose legislation ordinary people do not understand anyway, the use of English as a lingua franca would be infinitely better.

English is particularly suitable as Europe's lingua franca because of its functional flexibility and spread across the world, and because English is already "de-nativised" to a large extent: the global number of non-native speakers is now substantially larger than its native speakers (about 4:1). English is no longer "owned" by its native speakers because acculturation and nativisation processes have produced a remarkable diversification of the English language into many non-native varieties.

The point is that we can no longer say that English is one monolithic, "hegemonic" voice, it is a diversity of different voices. The multiplicity of voices behind English as a lingua franca implies that differences in interactional norms between speakers using English as a language for communication remain unaltered. And it is this deep diversity in the use of English by speakers with different mother tongues that invalidates the claim that English is an imperialist adversary, an eliminating "killer language" — which English, we may ask?

Is it those localised, regionalised or otherwise appropriated varieties of English whose speakers creatively conduct pragmatic and cultural shifts? Surely not. Arguments such as the ones brought forward by the anti-English league are simply outdated. The Empire has struck back already. Non-native speakers of English have created their own discourse norms and genres. And they do this out of their own free will, happily ignoring the "linguistic domination" ascribed to them. In other words there is no didactic-linguistic replay of formerly colonial and militaristic means.

English as a lingua franca is nothing more than a useful tool: it is a "language for communication", a medium that is given substance with the different national, regional, local and individual cultural identities its speakers bring to it. English itself does not carry such identities, and it is not a "language for identification". And because of the variety of functional uses of global English, English has also a great potential for promoting international understanding. Its different speakers must always work out a common behavioural and intercultural basis. Paradox as this may seem, the very spread of English can motivate speakers of other languages to insist on their own local language for identification, for binding them emotionally to their own cultural and historical tradition. There is no need to set up an old-fashioned dichotomy between local languages and English as the "hegemonic aggressor": there is a place for both, because they fulfill different functions. To deny this is to uphold outdated concepts of monolingual societies and individuals.

Using English as a lingua franca in Europe does not inhibit linguistic diversity, and it unites more than it divides, simply because it may be "owned" by all Europeans — not as a cultural symbol, but a means of enabling understanding.

学英语既有乐趣又有回报

文学的研究——包含对哲学、宗教、历史事件的发展和观念由来的研究,不仅是文明的,并且有教化作用,而且是流行的和实际的。在所有从文理学院毕业并获得学士学位的人中,有六分之一的主修英语。让人惊异的是可,这些毕业生能胜任范围相当广泛的工作。他们的经验表明,这种广泛流行的偏见是错误的,即英语专业的学生只能从事新闻或教学工作:事实上,主修英语的学生也为未来从事法律、医学、商业和公职等职业做了相当好的准备。

有人时常劝告期望上法学院或医学院的大学生要学习与他们的择业有直接联系的严格指定的课程。有人还建议未来法学院的学生应该选修政治、历史、会计、商业管理,甚至人体解刨学、婚姻和家庭生活等课程。未来医学院的学生被引导去学习多种理科课程,实际上,这些课程比他们考入医学院所需要的理科课程要多得多。令人惊讶的是,许多法学院和医学院却指出,如此专门化的准备不但没有必要,而且并不可取。没有什么“法律预科”课程:上法学院和从事法律行业的最好的准备是培养学生能够进行批判性的思考;能够进行清晰的合乎逻辑的自我表达,能够对他人的动机、行动和思想进行敏锐的分析。这些技能也正是英

语专业要教给学生掌握的技能。

此外,要进入法学院就读,通常需要具有合格院校颁发的学士学位,还需要拿到最低限度的各课平均积分点,并和在法学院录取考试中取得一个通得过的分数。这项测试包括三个部分:首先是测试阅读理解、图形分类和书面材料评估等能力。测试的第二部分是考核对英语语法和词汇用法的掌握能力,组织书面材料的能力和文字编辑的能力。第三个部分是检验学生的文学、艺术、音乐、自然科学和社会科学的一般知识。显而易见,主修英语的学生参加法学院的录取考试回得心应手。

至于医学院,入学要求的一条知识修满32个学时的理科课程。这一要求对主修英语的学生来说肯定不成问题。另外,许多医学院校要求学生必须在医学院入学考试中取得规定的最低分,这一测试对全面发展的文科学生来说有十分有利。医学院入学考试检测四方面的能力:同义词、反义词和词语联想能力;从分数到立体几何的基本数学知识;文学、哲学、心理学、音乐、艺术和社会科学的常识;以及熟悉中学和大学初始阶段教过的生物学、化学和物理学基本原理的程度。立刻基础扎实的主修英语学生完全有能力参加这一考试和医学院入学考试,他们的阅读、分析、阐述和准确交流的能力使他们更胜一筹。学医和行医只会从对人的行为的洞察中受益无穷,而这种洞察却是文学研究才能提供的。

很显然,如此的洞察力对计划以经商为业的学生来说也是很有价值的。这样的学生应该考虑的是,挑选主修对商科有侧重的英语了成是有优势的:这种课程的目的在于在提供文科教育的同时,也为从商职业做准备。对这种教育计划的需求是显而易见的:只有技术性资格的毕业生能找到从商工作,但却经常难以居其位。《华尔街杂志》和《大学生毕业杂志》都有报道,说越来越多的著名商学院的毕业生发现他们自己经常从一种工作或一家公司跳槽到另一个工作或另一家公司,在一个工作岗位上干不了十二个月。雇主们抱怨说,这些表面上年轻有为的男女们根本不会有效地交流,因为他们的文字能力不够强;他们不能够从管理人员培训中穴道东西;他们不能够进行有效的口头表达;他们不能用书面形式报告他们的工作进展或问题;他们不能够知道其他工作人员。然而,分析和交流的技能却是管理的最根本的需要。因此,偏重商业经营管理的主攻英语的学生为未来从事商业管理作好了充分准备。对涉及从银行、保险到通信乃至制造业等总多领域的将近400家公司进行了有关调查,针对是否聘用具有英语学位文凭的大学毕业生在营销、系统工程、人事管理、销售、编程、项目设计和劳资关系等领域都工作得十分出色。

主修英语的学生也正在各级政府提供的上千种岗位上工作。就拿可以算得是美国最大的雇主的联邦政府来说吧。从海军陆战队到矿务局,从商业部到国家公园服务处,联邦政府各种机构雇佣的劳动大军近三百万人。主修英语的学生适合做其中的许多工作。最近,向51个联邦政府机构调查了同一个问题:是否聘用有英语学位文凭而却没有受过专门行业训练的大学毕业生,88%的这些联邦政府单位的回答是肯定的。主修英语的毕业生能胜任联邦政府的一系列工作,从索赔审议到外交官到公路安全管理专家等等。再说,那些要求高薪的人可能还需要参加一种考试,也就是说,联邦政府每年都要举行“业务和管理职业考试”对大约10 000 种工作岗位的求职者进行考核,而测试的焦点仍是侧重语言技能;理解、分析、阐述、理解概念间逻辑关系的能力,以及解决用文字表述问题的能力。毫不奇怪,主修英语的学生在这一考试中获得高分。

简而言之,英语的课程既无局限性又很实用:学习英语是对职业生涯的绝好准备。

Unit 5

As for the moral advantage in business, of all places, everyone knows a modicum of ethics is called for in any business — you can't cheat your customers forever and get away with it. But wouldn't it be more advantageous if you actually could get away with it? Profits would soar out of sight! Then you would really have an advantage, or so the thinking might go.

The notion of seeking the moral advantage is a new way of thinking about ethics and virtue in business, an approach that does not accept the need for trade-offs between ambition and conscience. Far from obstructing the drive for success, a sense of moral purpose can help individuals and companies achieve at the highest — and most profitable — levels.

Cynicism dominates our attitudes about what it takes to succeed in business. A common way of thinking about morality in business goes something like this: Ethical conduct is an unpleasant medicine that society forces down business people's throats to protect the public interest from business avarice.

Morality gets in the way of the cold, hard actions truly ambitious Skepticism people must take to reach their goals.

Moneymaking is inevitably tainted by greed, deceit, and exploitation.

The quest for profits stands in opposition to everything that is moral, fair, decent, and charitable.

Skepticism about moneymaking goes back a long way. The Bible warns that it's harder for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven than for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle. "Behind every great fortune," wrote French novelist Honoré de Balzac in the 1800s, "lies a great crime." British author G. K. Chesterton sounded the same theme in the early 20th century, noting that a businessman "is the only man who is forever apologizing for his occupation."

The contemporary media often characterize business as nothing more than a self-serving exercise in greed, carried out in as corrupt and ruthless a manner as possible. In television and movies, moneymaking in business is tainted by avarice, exploitation, or downright villainy. The unflattering portrayals have become even more pointed over time. In 1969, the businessman in Philip Roth's Goodbye, Columbus advises the story's protagonist, "To get by in business, you've got to be a bit of a thief." He seems like a benignly wise, figure compared with Wall Street's 1980s icon, Gordon Gekko, whose immortal words were "Greed is good."

Yet some important observers of business see things differently. Widely read gurus such as Stephen Covey and Tom Peters point to the practical utility of moral virtues such as compassion, responsibility, fairness, and honesty. They suggest that virtue is an essential ingredient in the recipe for success, and that moral standards are not merely commendable choices but necessary components of a thriving business career. This is a frequent theme in commencement addresses and other personal testimonials: Virtuous behavior advances a career in the long run by building trust and reputation, whereas ethical shortcomings eventually derail careers. The humorist Dorothy Parker captured this idea in one of her signature quips: "Time wounds all heels.

So who's right --- those who believe that morality and business are mutually exclusive, or those who believe they reinforce one another? Do nice guys finish last, or are those who advocate doing well by doing good the real winners? Is the business world a den of thievery or a haven for upstanding citizens?

With colleagues Howard Gardner at Harvard University and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi at Claremont Graduate University, I've examined this question by interviewing 40 top business leaders, such as McDonald's CEO Jack Greenberg and the late Washington Post publisher Katharine Graham, between 1998 and 2000 as part of our joint "Project on Good Work." We found that a strong sense of moral purpose not only promotes a business career but also provides a telling advantage in the quest to build a thriving enterprise. In fact, a sense of moral purpose stands at the center of all successful business innovations. Far from being a constraining force that merely keeps people honest and out of trouble, morality creates a fertile source of business motivation, inspiration, and innovation.

This is different from the view of morality you'll encounter in a typical business-ethics course. It's so different that I now speak about moralities, in the plural, when discussing the role of virtue and ethics in business. Morality in business has three distinct faces, each playing its own special role in ensuring business success.

道德利益

怎样在商业中遵纪守法获得成功

道德利益,它存在于商业中,以及所有其他领域里。大家都知道各行都需要有一点伦理道德—你不能永远欺骗顾客并侥幸逃脱。但是如果你果真能侥幸逃脱,那就算你的幸运——利润回会滚滚而来!这可能就是你所指望的好处,为此你不愿放弃自己的指望。

寻求道德利益的概念是商界思考伦理道德的新途径,这种新途径不是仅仅用于调节奢望与良知之间的冲突。如果人们具有道德目标意识不仅不会削弱他们获得成功的动力,反而能帮助他们个人和公司获得最大成功,即最高利润。

人们对商业成功总是持有愤世嫉俗的态度。大家对商业道德的理解大致如下:

道德行为是社会为了保护公众利益不受商业欺诈而强迫商界咽下的一服苦药。

道德会妨碍利欲熏心的人们为达到目的而采取的冷酷无情的行为。

赚钱就不可避免地要被贪婪、欺诈和盘剥的行为所玷污。

追求利润与任何道德、公平、体面和仁慈的事情是背道而驰的。

对赚钱持怀疑的态度由来已久。圣经警告说,一个有钱人要进入天堂比让一头骆驼钻进针

眼还要难。十九世纪法国小说家巴尔扎克(Honoréde Balzac)写道:“在每一笔巨大财富背后都隐藏着巨大的罪恶。”英国作家切斯特顿在20世纪初也论述过同样的主题,指出商人是“唯一要对其职业永远说抱歉的人。”

现代媒体常常把商业定义为一种既自私又贪婪的运作,过程是极其腐败和冷酷的。在电视和电影中,商业挣钱充满了贪婪、盘剥和尔虞我诈。这些逼真的描绘日后甚至变得更加尖刻。1969年,在非利普?萝斯的《再见》一剧中的商人哥伦布忠告剧中主人公时说,“要想在商界站住脚,你就得多少有点做贼的本领”。华尔街20世纪80年代的偶像哥登?节科有一句经典名句:“贪婪为好”,与他相比,哥伦布看起来就象一个慈祥而明智的父亲形象。

然而一些重要的商界观察家对此又有不同的看法。如象颇受读者喜爱的斯帝夫科?威和汤姆?皮特斯等著名权威,他们都指出了怜悯、责任、公平和诚实等道德操守的实际作用,如他们认为道德是成功秘诀中的首要组成成分,道德标准不仅是值得称赞的选择,也是商业兴旺的必要动力。这些言词是毕业典礼致词和其他个人德行证明书中一个常有的主题:从长远来看,道德高尚的行为有助于建立信任和信誉,从而推动事业的发展,相反,伦理道德的瑕疵最终会导致事业的败落。幽默家多萝斯帕克在她所题写的警句中抓住了这一观点:“时间会弄伤所有的脚后跟。”

那么谁的观点是正确的呢?是主张道德和商业水火不容呢,还是主张道德和商业相辅相成呢?是否好人最终完蛋,那些主张做好事求成功的人是最终的赢家?商界到底是一个贼窝,还是诚实人的天堂?

我与哈福大学的霍华德?加德纳和克来蒙研究生院的米哈利?斯克珍特米哈利两位同行在一起,于1998年到2000年期间,通过采访40位高层商界领导,如麦当劳的总裁杰克?格林伯格和已仙逝的华盛顿邮报发行人凯斯琳?格雷厄姆等,我研究了这个问题,这是我们共同合作的“良好工作项目”的一个部分。我们发现一种强烈的道德追求意识不仅会促进商业的发展,而且会为建立繁荣的产业提供强大的优势。事实上,道德追求意识是商业成功的核心。道德不仅是只能让人保持诚实、摆脱困境的约束力量,更为商业欲望、激情和创新创造了肥沃的土壤。

这与你在典型的商业伦理课上会遇到的道德观大相径庭。这些差异是如此之大,因此在讨论伦理道德在商业中的作用时,我现在要说道德涉及的不是一个方面。商业道德有三个清晰的侧面,每一个侧面在确保商业成功中都在起着特有的作用。

Unit 6

Die-hard football fans hit the heights when their team wins and reaches the depths of despair when they lose. Scientific studies show the love affair with a team may be as emotionally intense as the real thing, and that team clashes have gladiatorial power.

What's going on? Why do fervent fans have hormonal surges and other psychological changes while watching games? Why does fans' self-esteem soar with victory and plummet in defeat, sometimes affecting their lives long

afterwards? Why do people feel so drawn to form such deep ties to teams? Is avidly rooting for a team good or bad for your health? You may find the answers surprising.

THE FAN'S PERSONALITY

Psychologists often portray die-hard fans as lonely misfits searching for

self-esteem by identifying with a team,2 but a study suggests the opposite. It reveals that football fans suffer fewer bouts of depression and alienation than people who never watch Match Of The Day. Hard-core fans also demonstrate a fierce and unbreakable bond. It's possible to trace the roots of fan psychology to a primitive time when warriors fighting to protect their tribes were the true representatives of their race. In modern times, so the theory goes, professional sportsmen are warriors of a city or country fighting a stylized war waged on a football pitch.

IT'S WAR OUT THERE

Some confrontations on the pitch are gladiatorial. In this respect, our sports heroes are our gladiators. A football match, especially between rival teams, isn't some light-hearted display of athletic prowess. The self is emotionally involved in the outcome because whoever you're rooting for represents YOU. So professional footballers seem to recreate the intense emotions in some fans that tribal warfare aroused in their forebears. It could even be that these emotions have fueled the explosion in the popularity of sports over the past 20 years. STATUS BY PROXY

So, through football matches, it becomes possible to gain respect from your rivals, albeit vicariously . This means you can be highly regarded not for your

综合英语(一)课文及翻译

Lesson One: The Time Message Elwood N, Chapman 新的学习任务开始之际,千头万绪,最重要的是安排好时间,做时间的主人。本文作者提出了7点具体建议,或许对你有所启迪。 1 Time is tricky. It is difficult to control and easy to waste. When you look a head, you think you have more time than you need. For Example,at the beginning of a semester, you may feel that you have plenty of time on your hands, but toward the end of the term you may suddenly find that time is running out. You don't have enough time to cover all your duties (duty), so you get worried. What is the answer? Control! 译:时间真是不好对付,既难以控制好,又很容易浪费掉,当你向前看时,你觉得你的时间用不完。例如,在一个学期的开始,你或许觉得你有许多时间,但到学期快要结束时,你会突然发现时间快用光了,你甚至找不出时间把所有你必须干的事情干完,这样你就紧张了。答案是什么呢?控制。 2 Time is dangerous. If you don't control it, it will control you. I f you don't make it work fo r you, it will work against you. So you must become the master of time, not its servant. As a first-year college student, time management will be your number one Problem. 译:时间是危险的,如果你控制不了时间,时间就会控制你,如果你不能让时间为你服务,它就会起反作用。所以,你必须成为时间的主人,而不是它的奴仆,作为刚入学的大学生,妥善安排时间是你的头等大事。 3 Time is valuable. Wasting time is a bad habit. It is like a drug. The more time you waste,the easier it is to go on wasting time. If seriously wish to get the most out of college, you must put the time message into practice. 译:时间是珍贵的,浪费时间是个坏习惯,这就像毒品一样,你越浪费时间,就越容易继续浪费下去,如果你真的想充分利用上大学的机会,你就应该把利用时间的要旨付诸实践。 Message1. Control time from the beginning. 4 Time is today, not tomorrow or next week. Start your plan at the Beginning of the term. 译:抓紧时间就是抓紧当前的时间,不要把事情推到明天或是下周,在学期开始就开始计划。 Message2. Get the notebook habit. 5 Go and buy a notebook today, Use it to plan your study time each day. Once a weekly study plan is prepared, follow the same pattern every week with small changes. Sunday is a good day to make the Plan for the following week.

新视野大学英语_读写教程4课文翻译

●UNIT 1 ●第一段翻译:(艺术家追求成名,如同狗自逐其尾,一旦追到手,除了继续追逐不知还能做些什么。 成功之残酷正在于它常常让那些追逐成功者自寻毁灭。) ●第二段翻译:(对一名正努力追求成功并刚刚崭露头角的艺术家,其亲朋常常会建议“正经的饭碗不能丢!” 他们的担心不无道理。 追求出人头地,最乐观地说也困难重重,许多人到最后即使不是穷困潦倒,也是几近精神崩溃。 尽管如此,希望赢得追星族追捧和同行赞扬之类的不太纯洁的动机却在激励着他们向前。 享受成功的无上光荣,这种诱惑不是能轻易抵挡的。) ●UNIT 2 ●第六段翻译:(这种震惊唤起了他的想象。 卓别林并没有把他的笑料事先写成文字。他是那种边表演边根据感觉去创造艺术的喜剧演员。 没有生命的物体特别有助于卓别林发挥自己艺术家的天赋。 他将这些物体想象成其他东西。 因此在《当铺老板》中,一个坏闹钟变成了正在接受手术的“病人”. 在《淘金记》中,靴子被放在锅里煮,靴底被蘸着盐和胡椒吃掉,就像上好的鱼片一样(鞋钉就像鱼骨那样被剔除)。 这种对事物的转化,以及他一次又一次做出这种转化的技巧,正是卓别林伟大喜剧的奥秘所在。) ●UNIT 4 ●第一段翻译:(一个将会大大提高发展中国家生活水准的转变正方兴未艾。 一些不久前还是信息闭塞的地方正在迅速获得最新的通信技术,这将促进他们吸纳国内外投资。 亚洲、拉丁美洲和东欧的许多国家也许需要10年时间来改善其交通、电力供应和其他公用设施。 但是只一根直径小于半毫米的光纤电缆就可以比由铜丝制成的粗电缆承载更多的信息。

由于安装了光纤电缆、数字转换器和最新的无线传输系统, 从北京到布达佩斯的一系列城区和工业区正在直接步入信息时代。 一个蛛网般的数字和无线通信网络已经发展到亚洲的大部分地区和东欧的部分地区。) ●第二段翻译:(所有这些发展中地区都把先进的通信技术看作一种跨越经济发展诸阶段的途径。 例如,信息技术的广泛应用有望缩短劳动密集型的组装工业转向涉及工程、营销和设计的那些产业所需的时间。 现代通信技术“将使中国、越南这样的国家比那些困于旧技术的国家拥有巨大的优势”。) ●第三段翻译:(这些国家应以多快的速度向前发展是人们争论的一个问题。 许多专家认为,越南在目前急需电话的情况下,却要求所有的移动电话都必须是昂贵的数字型电话,这种做法太超前了。 一位专家说:“这些国家缺乏成本估算和选择技术的经验。) ●UNIT 5 ●第一段翻译:(事实如此,我们孤独无依地生活着。据最近的统计,共有2,200万人独自生活在自己的住所里。 其中有些人喜欢这种生活,有些却不喜欢。有些离了婚,有些鳏寡无伴,也有些从未结过婚。 ●第二段翻译:(孤独或许是这里的一种民族弊病,我们羞于承认它,甚于其他任何罪恶。 而另一方面,故意选择独处,拒绝别人的陪伴而非为同伴所弃,却是美国式英雄的一个特点。 孤独的猎人或探险者去鹿群和狼群中冒险,征服广袤的荒野时,并不需要有人陪伴。 梭罗独居在湖畔的小屋,有意疏离了城市生活。现在,这成了你的个性。 独处的灵感是诗人和哲学家最有用的东西。) ●108页第十三段翻译:(科学调查表明,独居的人会对着自己、对着宠物、对着电视机唠叨不休。 我们问猫儿今天该穿蓝色套装还是黄色裙装, 问鹦鹉今天晚餐该做牛排还是面条。 我们跟自己争论那个花样滑冰选手和这个滑雪运动员到底谁更了不起。 这没什么不妥,也对我们有好处,而且不像有些人那么令人尴尬:在超市付款处,排在前面的女人告诉收银员, 她的侄女梅利莎星期六可能会来看她。

综合英语教程3 翻译 答案 中英

Unit1 1. She doesn’t seem to get along with her new classmates. 2. I’d been out of touch with Mary for year, but I managed to reach her by phone yesterday. 3. The veteran enjoys showing off his medals to everyone who visits him. 4. He husband seems very much opposed to her going abroad. 5. As Thomas couldn’t settle down in his job, his parents were very worried. 6. I always have all kinds of bits and pieces in my pockets. 7. Her mother pulled a few strings to get her into the business circle. 8. I hope the food is to your liking. 9. I told the boys off for making so much noise. Unit2 1. He resolved to work on the complicated project immediately. 2. They saw an old man knocked over by a car coming from the opposite direction. 3. He walked unsteadily / stumbled along in the dark, groping for the light-switch. 4. After three month’s illness, he found it difficult to rise to his feet again. 5. Owing to the staff shortage, the task could not be fulfilled on schedule. 6. During the period of depression, the company was running into financial difficulties. 7. When the blind girl got on the crowded bus, the passengers made room for her. 8. He at last managed to hold on to the rock on the cliff and stopped himself from slipping. Unit3 1. Mother immediately sent Tom for the doctor. 2. She failed to bake the cake as she had run out of sugar. 3. I know how desperately busy you are now. 4. The whole class roared with laughter at Tom’s slip of the tongue. 5. Such things as needles and scissors should be kept out of the reach of children. 6. The soldiers stood under the burning scorching sun, drenched with sweat. 7. He returned to his own country / motherland in the end. Unit4 1. Obviously I overestimated my sense of direction. Net time, I will remember to bring along a map with me. 2. The mother is not thoroughly disillusioned with her selfish unfilial son. 3. She has no knack for saying the right thing at the right time. 4. He and football were meant for each other from the start. 5. My boss assigned me the secretarial work for the first month. 6. If a driver breaks traffic rules, are there any alternatives to a fire? 7. Being a clumsy person, he often subjects himself to ridicule. Unit5 1. Did James have supper with you on the night in question? 2. The coach was satisfied with the ultimate victory of the match. 3. To remove the linguistic barriers in communication among the people of the world, linguists have embarked on the study of a new universal language. 4. The emergence of joint-venture enterprises has increased our opportunities to have contact with foreigners. 5. Mother asked him to gather up the bits and pieces of his belongings from the desk and put them

第二版新视野大学英语读写教程4第四册课文翻译

课文翻译 艺术家追求成名,如同狗自逐其尾,一旦追到手,除了继续追逐不知还能做些什么。 成功之残酷正在于它常常让那些追逐成功者自寻毁灭。 对一名正努力追求成功并刚刚崭露头角的艺术家,其亲朋常常会建议“正经的饭碗不能丢!”他们的担心不无道理。 追求出人头地,最乐观地说也困难重重,许多人到最后即使不是穷困潦倒,也是几近精神崩溃。 尽管如此,希望赢得追星族追捧和同行赞扬之类的不太纯洁的动机却在激励着他们向前。享受成功的无上光荣,这种诱惑不是能轻易抵挡的。 成名者之所以成名,大多是因为发挥了自己在歌唱、舞蹈、绘画或写作等方面的特长,并能形成自己的风格。 为了能迅速走红,代理人会极力吹捧他们这种风格。他们青云直上的过程让人看不清楚。 他们究竟是怎么成功的,大多数人也都说不上来。 尽管如此,艺术家仍然不能闲下来。 若表演者、画家或作家感到无聊,他们的作品就难以继续保持以前的吸引力,也就难以保持公众的注意力。 公众的热情消磨以后,就会去追捧下一个走红的人。 有些艺术家为了不落伍,会对他们的写作、跳舞或唱歌的风格稍加变动,但这将冒极大的失宠的危险。 公众对于他们藉以成名的艺术风格以外的任何形式都将不屑一顾。 知名作家的文风一眼就能看出来,如田纳西·威廉斯的戏剧、欧内斯特·海明威的情节安排、罗伯特·弗罗斯特或T.S.艾略特的诗歌等。 同样,像莫奈、雷诺阿、达利这样的画家,希区柯克、费里尼、斯皮尔伯格、陈凯歌或张艺谋这样的电影制作人也是如此。 他们鲜明独特的艺术风格标志着与别人不同的艺术形式上的重大变革,这让他们名利双收,但也让他们付出了代价,那就是失去了用其他风格或形式表现自我的自由。 名气这盏聚光灯可比热带丛林还要炙热。骗局很快会被揭穿,过多的关注带来的压力会让大多数人难以承受。 它让你失去自我。你必须是公众认可的那个你,而不是真实的你或是可能的你。 艺人,就像政客一样,必须常常说些违心或连自己都不完全相信的话来取悦听众。 一滴名气之水有可能玷污人的心灵这一整口井,因此一个艺术家若能保持真我,会格外让人惊叹。

新职业英语·职业综合英语1的课文翻译

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综合英语三课文翻译

Unit 1 Changes in the Way We Live 在美国,不少人对乡村生活怀有浪漫的情感。许多居住在城镇的人梦想着自己办个农场,梦想着靠土地为生。很少有人真去把梦想变为现实。或许这也没有什么不好,因为,正如吉姆·多尔蒂当初开始其写作和农场经营双重生涯时所体验到的那样,农耕生活远非轻松自在。但他写道,自己并不后悔,对自己作出的改变生活方式的决定仍热情不减。 Mr. Doherty Builds His Dream Life Jim Doherty 有两件事是我一直想做的――写作与务农。如今我同时做着这两件事。作为作家,我和E·B·怀特不属同一等级,作为农场主,我和乡邻也不是同一类人,不过我应付得还行。在城市以及郊区历经多年的怅惘失望之后,我和妻子桑迪终于在这里的乡村寻觅到心灵的满足。 这是一种自力更生的生活。我们食用的果蔬几乎都是自己种的。自家饲养的鸡提供鸡蛋,每星期还能剩余几十个出售。自家养殖的蜜蜂提供蜂蜜,我们还自己动手砍柴,足可供过冬取暖之用。 这也是一种令人满足的生活。夏日里我们在河上荡舟,在林子里野餐,骑着自行车长时间漫游。冬日里我们滑雪溜冰。我们为落日的余辉而激动。我们爱闻大地回暖的气息,爱听牛群哞叫。我们守着看鹰儿飞过上空,看玉米田间鹿群嬉跃。 但如此美妙的生活有时会变得相当艰苦。就在三个月前,气温降

到华氏零下30度,我们辛苦劳作了整整两天,用一个雪橇沿着河边拖运木柴。再过三个月,气温会升到95度,我们就要给玉米松土,在草莓地除草,还要宰杀家禽。前一阵子我和桑迪不得不翻修后屋顶。过些时候,四个孩子中的两个小的,16岁的吉米和13岁的埃米莉,会帮着我一起把拖了很久没修的室外厕所修葺一下,那是专为室外干活修建的。这个月晚些时候,我们要给果树喷洒药水,要油漆谷仓,要给菜园播种,要赶在新的小鸡运到之前清扫鸡舍。 在这些活计之间,我每周要抽空花五、六十个小时,不是打字撰文,就是为作为自由撰稿人投给报刊的文章进行采访。桑迪则有她自己繁忙的工作日程。除了日常的家务,她还照管菜园和蜂房,烘烤面包,将食品装罐、冷藏,开车送孩子学音乐,和他们一起练习,自己还要上风琴课,为我做些研究工作并打字,自己有时也写写文章,还要侍弄花圃,堆摞木柴、运送鸡蛋。正如老话说的那样,在这种情形之下,坏人不得闲――贤德之人也歇不了。 我们谁也不会忘记第一年的冬天。从12月一直到3月底,我们都被深达5英尺的积雪困着。暴风雪肆虐,一场接着一场,积雪厚厚地覆盖着屋子和谷仓,而室内,我们用自己砍伐的木柴烧火取暖,吃着自家种植的苹果,温馨快乐每一分钟。 开春后,有过两次泛滥。一次是河水外溢,我们不少田地被淹了几个星期。接着一次是生长季节到了,一波又一波的农产品潮涌而来,弄得我们应接不暇。我们的冰箱里塞满了樱桃、蓝莓、草莓、芦笋、豌豆、青豆和玉米。接着我们存放食品罐的架子上、柜橱里也开始堆

最新新视野大学英语读写教程第四册(第二版)课文翻译uint-1

Unit 1 An artist who seeks fame is like a dog chasing his own tail who, when he captures it, does not know what else to do but to continue chasing it. 艺术家追求成名,如同狗自逐其尾,一旦追到手,除了继续追逐不知还能做些什么。 The cruelty of success is that it often leads those who seek such success to participate in their own destruction. 成功之残酷正在于它常常让那些追逐成功者自寻毁灭。 "Don't quit your day job!" is advice frequently given by understandably pessimistic family members and friends to a budding artist who is trying hard to succeed. 对一名正努力追求成功并刚刚崭露头角的艺术家,其亲朋常常会建议“正经的饭碗不能丢!”他们的担心不无道理。 The conquest of fame is difficult at best, and many end up emotionally if not financially bankrupt. 追求出人头地,最乐观地说也困难重重,许多人到最后即使不是穷困潦倒,也是几近精神崩溃。 Still, impure motives such as the desire for worshipping fans and praise from peers may spur the artist on. 尽管如此,希望赢得追星族追捧和同行赞扬之类的不太纯洁的动机却在激励着他们向前。 The lure of drowning in fame's imperial glory is not easily resisted. 享受成功的无上光荣,这种诱惑不是能轻易抵挡的。 Those who gain fame most often gain it as a result of exploiting their talent for singing, dancing,

综合英语教程6 翻译

1. They can move a nation to fall on its knees and sincerely worship an Emperor who, without the clothes and the title, would drop to the rank of the cobbler and be swallowed up and lost sight of in the massed multitude of the inconsequentials... 衣着与头衔能让一个民族心甘情愿地跪拜在一个君主面前。而这个君主,如果没有衣着和头衔的支撑,会沦为鞋匠之流,消失在芸芸众生之中。 2. Is the human race a joke? Was it devised and patched together in a dull time when there was nothing important to do? 人类是玩笑的结果吗?是上帝感到无聊又无大事可做时草草拼在一起的玩物吗? 3. Mine are able to expand a human cipher into a globe-shadowing portent. 我的衣着能把我从一个无名小卒变成了一个全球耀眼的巨人。 4. And probably at no other point is the sense of shabbiness so keenly felt as it is if we fall short of the standard set by social usage in this matter of dress. 可能最感到寒酸的时刻是我们没按照社会的规范穿着自己。 5. It is true of dress in even a higher degree than of most other items of other consumption, that people will undergo a very considerable degree of privation in the comforts or the necessaries of life in order to afford what is considered a decent amount of wasteful consumption. 人们为了能付得起一定量的、通常被认为是浪费性的消费,会在生活的其他方面尽量节俭。这在穿衣方面表现得尤其明显。 6. The commercial value of the goods used for clothing in any modern community is made up to a much larger extent of the fashionableness, the reputability of the goods than of the mechanical service, which they render in clothing the person of the wearer. 在任何一个现代社会,用作穿着的商品的商业价值在很大程度上不取决于它的商业服务功能,而是该商品本身和在包装穿戴者时所产生的时髦效益及声誉。 7. This would require a loss of wholeness and self, a dishonest constraint. 这会使人们失去自我,是一种虚伪的限制。 1. Today, thanks to the democratization of technology, all sorts of countries have the opportunity to assemble the technologies, raw materials and funding to be producers, or subcontractors, of highly complex finished products or services, and this becomes another subtle factor knitting the world more tightly together. 今天,由于技术的普及,每个国家都有机会聚集各种技术、原材料和资金,成为制造商或转包商,生产或者销售高度复杂的终端产品或者服务,这成为另一种把世界更紧密地联系在一起的无形的因素。 2. The creation of this corporate bond market introduced some pluralism into the world of finance and took away the monopoly of the banks. 企业债券市场的出现,将多元化引入金融界,打破了银行的垄断。 3. Investment banks started approaching banks and home mortgage companies, buying up their whole portfolio of mortgage… 投资银行开始去找银行和房屋按揭公司,将它们的按揭债务全部买下 4. You could take your choice, and people did. 人们可以有多种选择,而且也确实这样做了。 5. By shrinking a world to a size smal l, globalization brings home to everyone just how ahead or behind they are. 全球化把世界缩小,全球化让每个人都可以看清楚,自己的日子是过得比人好还是比人差

Unit 2 (大学英语读写译4课文翻译)

Unit 2 Text A Technology and Happiness 技术与幸福 Para. 1 1. In the 20th century, Americans, Europeans, and East Asians enjoyed material and technological advances that were unimaginable in previous eras. =20世纪的美国人、欧洲人和东亚人都享受到了过去历代人都无法想象的物质和技术进步所带来的乐趣。 2. In the United States, for instance, gross domestic product per capita tripled from 1950 to 2000. =譬如,在美国,从1950年到2000年,人均国民生产总值翻了3倍。 3. Life expectancy soared. =人的寿命大幅度提高。 4. The boom in productivity after World War II made goods better and cheaper at the same time. =二战后生产力的迅速发展使商品物美价廉。 5. Things that were once luxuries, such as jet travel and long-distance phone calls, became necessities. =诸如乘飞机旅行和打长途电话等曾经是奢侈的事情成了生活中不可或缺的一部分。 6. And even though Americans seemed to work extraordinarily hard, their pursuit of entertainment turned media and leisure into multibillion-dollar industries. =即使美国人工作时似乎是格外勤奋努力的,可他们对娱乐的追求却使得他们将媒体和闲暇转变成了盈利数十亿美元的产业。 Para. 2 1. By most standards, then, you would have to say that Americans are better off now than they were in the middle of the last century. =那么,根据大多数标准衡量,你会说,现在的美国人比上个世纪中叶富裕得多。 2. Oddly, though, if you ask Americans how happy they are, you find that they are no happier than they were in 1946 (which is when formal surveys of happiness started). =然而,奇怪的是,如果你问美国人有多幸福,你会发现,他们并不比1946年时幸福(1946年正式开始对幸福状况进行调查)。 3. In fact, the percentage of people who say they are “very happy” has fallen slightly since the early 1970s ----- even though the income of people born in 1940 has, on average, increased by 116 percent over the course of their working lives. =事实上,那些说自己“非常幸福”的人所占的比例自20世纪70年代早期以来一直稳中有降——尽管20世纪40年代出生的人的收入在他们的工作生涯中平均增长了116%。 4.You can find similar data for most developed countries. =你可以在大多数发达国家找到相似的数据。 Para. 3 1. The relationship between happiness and technology has been an eternal subject for social critics and philosophers since the advent of the Industrial Revolution. =自工业革命出现以来,幸福与技术之间的关系一直是社会批评家和哲学家们长期研究的课题。

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